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About The independent. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1902-1907 | View Entire Issue (Jan. 28, 1904)
JANUARY 28, 1904. THE NEBRASKA INDEPENDENT X The New Fscrty Editor Independent: I have just risen from a reading of Thomas K. Watson's "Life and Times of Thomas Jefferson." The most significant sentence is the following: "When one of our custom house people opens a lady's trunk and rum mages about among her undergar ments, frequently holding them up to irreverent view, or scattering them around in disorder, it is the system, not the jmen, whom all decent folks loathe and detest." (p. 96-7.) Mr. Watson is an able writer. He has writteri an interesting book. Who ever takes up the "Life and Times of Thomas Jefferson" and commences to v read, will probably go through to the end. The sentence above quoted shows hnw the! writer looks upon the tariff. He finds no fault with revenue tariffs, but' he can ridicule protection with out limit. If a custom house oflicer happens to' be overstrenuous, it is -all charged to a protective tariff, instead of a revenue tariff. According to Mr. Watson, if a collector of customs should "open a lady's trunk and rum mage about among her undergar ments," it would be all right, provid ed the officer were collecting duties in the interest of "revenue," but all wrong if he should act in the interest of protecting American industries. I cannot,, understand such logic-as this. It nevertheless serves to show how a southern man things. Not that we don't have plenty of men in the north who think the same way;, but the south is the home of such ideas if not the home certainly the origin; for it is a matter of history, that rev enue tariffs were not preached until about 1820, when the south, was fast concluding to have slavery as a per manent institution. The south showed this disposition by refusing to admit Missouri as a free state and threat- ening to go out of the Union (or break ' it up), unless slavery could be ex tended. At that time the north was foolish enough to consent to the ad mission of Missouri a3 a slave state provided Maine was admitted as a free state and provided the south would consent to confine slavery to all territory in the west south of 36 de grees 30 minutes, which was the famous Missouri compromise. WTe have plenty of people in the north who talk just like the people of the south on the tariff, but they get their ideas and their logic from the south. It so happens, however, that their ideas are not indorsed by a sin gle state in the north, while protec tion is not indorsed by a single state south. In eld times this was not the case, for, before slavery began to be a power,' protection was as popular in the south as in the north. I am, there fore, obliged to attribute the present condition of things in the south to ne gro slavery. To be sure, slavery is dead, but it ha3 left its marks and ' one of the marks is a "tariff for rev enue only." Now, the point of the whole argu ment is this: "Why should the Ameri can people thipk of taxing themselves by a tariff law as long as they can tax themselves in any other way? If they tax themselves by a tariff law, they tax themselves in propor tion to the amount of foreign food and clothing they use. On the other hand, if they tax themselves in any other way, they tax in proportion to their wealth, ability to pay, or Den efits received from government. I am now speaking of taxing for the federal government at Washing tnn. Thev mfcht tax themselves by the "sincTe tax" for the support o; lo cal government. They a, least might think vl doing mis. mil mcy coma not think of taxing themselves In this wav for the eunwrt of tne national government at Washington, bemuse the single tat must first bn applied i if ever applied) for the support of lo cal government. If enough cannot be realized for tho support of a munlc- inalltv isxn very many contend! then certainty nothing can bo realized for the, central government at Washing ton. Taxation for the support of mu nlHpalitle l rot tho Ksue at Dreamt. Thin yatem of t.itntlon. hnwcvtT, I far more natUfartory than th jtm fur thp support of the national to rrnmeut. What w want ntw I n t nation for lh fouVral r.ovt-rnmeut, th.1t will f m(mhi wealth nvthT than lo.l and liothlne. Wo nre lnipr"Hi'd with the id4, that, if this vstotti u con tin ue.1. a wo ft nd It lmtw"Me.l In our tar If! ami Internal revenu ttfm, we shall have to pay In piUun to the amount of food we consume rather than according to the amount of prop erty we own. Coming back, however, to the single tax for a moment, let me observe, that the Henry George people, who are advocating this and seeking to make it the paramount issue in oar national politics as well as in our lo cal politics, must first get their doc trine adopted in some municipality in the Union, before they can think of having -it "adopted for supporting the federal government. If, for instance, the Hon. Tom L. Johnson could get his city to adopt the single tax, not for the support of his state of Ohio or of the United States, but for his own city of Cleveland, then he might think of asking the people of his state of Ohio to adoj?t it for the support of the state government. But it seems, as a matter of fact, that Mr. Johnson has never succeeded In getting his own city to adopt the single tax, and herefore he is estopped from asking his state, as such, to adopt it. I will not undertake to say why Mr. John son was so overwhelmingly defeated for governor in the recent campaign, but he and his friends, the single tax ers, might very properly begin to think about ruling their own city be fore they begin to think about ruling the state of Ohio? And, by the way, I wish that Mr. Johnson would apply his system of taxation to.' the city of Cleveland and make a success of it, n order that we might have the data, upon which we can build an argu ment for the single tax. It is a fact that this tax is only a theory, as yet, and we would like to have some hard facts to support it. It is a splendid theory and I would like to see it ap plied and made successful. But, un til I ean see it applied to some mu nicipality, town or township and shown to be practicable, I can never have any faith in it for the support of a state government, much less for the support of the national government at Washington, Coming back to the tariff, which is to be the paramount issue between the two old parties this year, let us notice that we are constantly complaining of "high tariffs." Now, what is meant, when we denounce high duties on for eign merchandise imported? Do we mean high duties for protection or high duties for revenue? The recent debate in congress, with reference to reciprocal trade with Cuba, answers this question. We have been com plaining that the duty on sugar is too high under the Dingley law enacted in 1894. The duty, in round numbers. Is about 1' cents a pound on raw sugar and 2 cents on refined sugar. These rates are very :igh, because the price of raw sugar in Europe (Hamburg, the great exporting port), is about 1 cents, and if the duty is also 1 cents, it is 100 per cent, which Is certainly a very high rate. It is high enough to double the price of sugar to the con sumer, and is therefore a tax of 100 per cent on the sugar bowl or its con tents; and takes as many dollars out of the man who works for a dollar a day as out of the millionaire, if they each eat the seme amount of sugar. If the poor man has six children and they all eat sugar, and the million aire has no children, then the former pays six times as much for the sup port of the federal government at Washington as the latter. This Is the practical working of the tariff on sugar insofar as it Is a tariff for rev enue only. If it is a tariff for pro tection only then it not only raises the price of foreign sugar, but the price of all similar domestic sugar. We are a sugar producing country as well as a sugar consuming country. Wo produce only a small amount of sugar In comparison with the amount we consume. I believe we produce shout one-tenth of what we consume, no that we have to Import a very largo amount of sugar. The reult Is. that If the duty is very high and we Import a very large amount, then Un cle Fam gets a very large amount of revenue from the. Importation of u gar. And, balden. If the duty on for eign sugar Imported la so high as to double the price of foreign sugar, then the price of our domestic fuiKar f 11! o grade or Und I aUo doubled because our domestic producer who product m little compared with the Imported mtsar, can nsk a much as tho merchant ask who Import for riKn ni'gir. Hut, If our producer can double th prhe of thtlr little Bur.tr. iltnply because the Importer double tho j rl i of thlf artl' l a my lar;e quantity of which U brought Into the iountry In n!te of tho htnh duty and high jrUe, thn, of tourae, our do jmth prodiir are doing a xd hut!uf and art thriving, althuu&n our consumers are sometimes pinched by the high price. If the duty on sugar is now too high, as we all think it is, for purposes of protection or encouragement of our sugar producers in the north or . in the south then of course the excess of what is necessary for protection is certainly intended for the revenue of Uncle Sam; and, whether, intend ed or not for revenue, it certainly adds to the revenue of the United States. - Democrats, as a rule, never object to a tariff duty, no matter how high, provided only, that it is for the ben efit of Uncle Sam, but they always object, if the duty is for protection (or encouragement of the revenue of a citizen) and they object on the ground of highness. The are always watching for a high duty, if it is for protection; but never for a high duty, f it is for revenue. They are wili ng, apparently, to pay any amount of taxes on consumption whether the consumer is able to pay or not. ' Republicans, as a rule, never object to a duty, no matter how high, provid ed only that it is for protection. Nor do they object if the high duties are for revenue. Now, it so happened in the recent debate on the Cuban reciprocity treaty that the duty on raw sugar (1 cents) was admitted, by the leading repub licans, to be too high for purposes of protection, but not high enough for purposes of Uncle Sam's revenue. This was distinctly admitted by the committee on ways and means (Mr, Payne chairman) in their report to the house. I call particular attention to this, because it is a good illustra tion of the difference between a duty for protection and a duty for rev enue alone. It shows that a duty may be high for one purpose and low or not high enough for another pur pose; that the duty on sugar, for In stance, was too high for protection and not high enough for revenue. I have been wanting, for a long time, to come across some such illus tration as this; and it was not until I sat down to read the report of Mr. Payne, that my eyes lit upon it; and any man who wants to kpow the dif ference between the two tariff systems can see it by reading Mr. Payne's ar gument in support of the Cuban reciprocity-bill. The great difficulty with our pres ent tariff law is, not that the duties are too high 'or protection, but that there are too many duties for rev enue merely, and the .mischief of the whole business is that the democrats are eager, to point out the duties that are too high for protection, but never eager to call attention to the fact that there should never be a duty for revenue merely. What the country needs today is a tariff law in which there shall be no duties for revenue and another law (first passed) providing that when ever the government needs Tevenuc, it shall be furnished by taxing the citi zen according , to his or her wealth, and not In proportion to the amount of food they consume. The two old parties are each now trying to get into a good position be fore the people on the tariff question, in order to carry the presidential eiec tion. The republicans will preacn pro tection and the democrats tariff lor revenue only. The result will be, that the republicans .will -win, and then they will, continue the old law which will have more revenue tariffs in it than any democrat could think of. This is the way things have been running the past twenty-five years, right under our own eyes and yet the thing will continue, unless the new party acknowledges the principle or theory of protection as settled, and then precedes to make a law that will tax wealth, whenever revenue Is wanted for the treasury of the United States. What Is wanted today Is a party that can unite the north and the south. These two flections have been estranged too long. The never should have been separated, a thty have been. It has been the work of demagogues, or at least of men, not well Informed. Slavery did It, but now that slavery ha pawed away or is passing away, It twin sister, tariff for revenue, only, ought also to go. It must go, or titer will ba no jnacr no union of the sections. It mut go. or there will be no ftationalit), no grand conception of what we ought to t a a nation. It inut go, or there will V no patriotism no United State of America, bit in lien thiff a lot f conffdtfrtitrtl Mate with no grnml aim or purpose. It mutt an. or tho rw-ople of tho iwUh will h. r know what It l to be an American ittUen, men a JacWon nnl,rr,pml. Ye, we ni'Ht hate prutrition In the notith. ThM part of th country ir-U It rtmr than the north. The uih b 4 able- iu-.'U, but they bar feyen misled by such men as John C. Cal houn, who - taught that slavery is a "good, a positive good," and who con strued the constitution of the United States in such a way as to make each state a nation, insteatLof making a nation out of the United States of America. We not only want to abolish rev enue tariffs, holding on to protective tariffs for a while, but want a system of taxation, that will wipe out every monopoly all the trusts as fast as they develop Into monopolies. If a graduated income tax will do this, we . want it. If an inheritance tax will do this, we want it. In short, we want the power of taxation so ap plied as to do exact justice, and leave no man or mea with any special priv- 1 1 1 r t Is the new party equal to the emerg ency? Can it declare that freedom is our first object, and that every citizen ought to vote oh equal terms without regard to race, color or sex? Can it declare that every citizen shall be taxed according to his or her wealth and that all tariffs for revenue merely shall q abolished? Can it declare , that the money of the nation, whether stamped upon gold,. silver or paper, shall be issued by the government it self and for the benefit of all the peo ple alike, and that its volume and value-shall be regulated by the gov ernment Itself and not by banks? Can the new party do these few things? If so. It is ready for action, and its labors will be blessed abundantly. We are tired of waiting. We have waited altogether too long. We have waited so long that many have become dis couraged and have almost given up But we must not be discouraged. The brightest days are those that come after the greatest darkness. JNO. S. DE HART. Jersey City, N. J. ANNOUNCEMENTS HUMS MM R. n. DIRECT TO HAVANA Via Illinois Central R. R. to New Orleans and the weekly Southern Pacific 8. 8. "Louisiana" to Havana. Leave Chicago and Cincinnati Friday niornlngi leave St. Louis ana Louisville Friday noon, arrive New Orleans Saturday 101)0 a. m., leave Saturday 2:01) p. m., arriving at Havana Monday morni' g. Round-trip and one-way through tickets at unusually low rates. Free Illinois Central R. R. Illustrated Folderoa Cuba, giving all particulars, on application. OCEAN STEAMSHIPS FROM Ocean steamship Failings from New Orleans for Mexico, Panama, Central and South America, West Indies bjhI Europe concisely set forth In a special (older Issued by the Illinois Central R, R. Send tor a copy. M- Ynri Tour of oil Mexico via Illinois Cen I'AlUU tral R. K., under escort of Reau nil UDDS'IA Campbell, General Managerthe UrilllVniufl American Tourist Association, Quincy RuildlneJn Adams St., Chicago, leaves Chicago January i?6. Select clientele. Limited. All exclusive privileges, Independent travel. Special l'ullmnn Vestibule Train, Drawing RoonifvCompartinents, Library and Music Room, with the larxest dining Car in theworld.and the la ous Open Top Observation Car, Chllilitli. Special l!tt(?RRe Car. Tickets Include all ex penses everywhere. Spsciui Tour oi Mexico and California via. tho Illinois Central and New Orleans under the aus pecles of lUymitnil A Whitcomh, will leave Chi cago Friday, Feb. 12, and St. Louis Saturday, Feb. J 3, lWH, lor Mexico and California via New ' Orleans, Including a stop-over tor the Mardi (Jran; wlso lrorn Chicago Friday, March 4th, and Ht. Louis Htiturday, March 6th, lor California, via the Illinois Central and New Orleans. 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CHIC DflQT If lit Th8 tire' fonthera DUl r-rUfl 1 1 MAi9t Hotel, at Kulfport, Mios., on the Mexican iul t'"l. Iim rHma stngleoreu tnlie, with or without bath. Steam bent, -te lrU! Itltt. hot and rol.l running water, and telephone In every room. Kcbed via MrinpbU and the Illinois Central's feat aaorntng trains, carrying ntwptmi and buttrl library cart, wttli a in! chant, on tarn train en rut at MrinlU. intu OuiHwh li-tn rar to Hul pft K nd lr ltlurUd iutder detcrtblag tiultjoft nd lb h'liel, ClflCini lb rough " Flyer" l Int. ri UrlUA t'r l.mr ?t. 1 4,iil u JarliiU lid t Mt' t Nnt:;, tUUtir roanveltng rn r-niin :bruih Ja l nttta far irom M. Ijhia Hut i NotiU, l4iuaiM tnd AiUntA. UfiT tDEIHPC ID sf Tfh ieH! nUI vinlrlUOi far Wtwertt f Me. i sn I ll"l si rut r rsrtlr.l in iba I ou! ft !' ! tiiu i!' u . ' Hu.t! triu fs-iM lor I !. ru -in IM t tt"Uttj o Uu nl T-lfur tv-t Cull Dlf'irMilv ronrernlnf all uflha lU'l lUI lJ Cl5 v'i t" In 4 l itrali i t& ll:ir. 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