OCTOBER 15, 1903.
THE NEBRASKA INDEPENDENT
13'
pushing, as also is a considerable por
tion of organized farmers, and by next
year al the granges will be at work.
Let the people's party join hands. SUC
CESS wili wiiie ill OuCe "uu -With al
most no exertion the line of least re
sistance has been found. The right
to majority ruLs has long been an
established principle, all that .is re
quired is that organized labor, organ
ized farmers and the people's party
shall question the legislative . candi
dates as to whether, if elected, they
will vote to make this principle effec
tive. Candidates dare not refuse, and
when elected will carry out their writ
ten agreements. Experience shows
that these personal pledges are im
measurably more, effective than a
vague and indefinite party platform.
The above program for securing the
liberty of the American people, and
for showing to the entire world an
easy and quick road from plutocracy to
a people's rule, is the result of the
combined action 'of many minds, and
it is hoped that every populist in our
broad land will see to it that Imme
diate action is taken in his own-district,
and will help to spread the news.
One socialist party paper, at least is
claiming that the papers of the peo
ple's party must go over to the so
cialist organization or cease publica
tion. We predict, however, that un
der the Kentucky program there will
be a rapid growth of populist circu
lation, with full-fledged success, po
litically, in next year's campaign.
Yours for the people's rule,
GEO. H. SHIBLEY,
Director of Department of Represen
tative Government, Bureau of Eco
. nomic Research; Chairman of Na-
tional Federation for Majority Rule;
Member of Populist National Committee.
The foregoing is the gist of the re
cently developed facts in the science
of ' representative government and
practical politics that are adapted to
third party action, writes Mr. Shibley.
And he adds: "I have been in corre
spondence with most of the members
of the Denver conference, and, with
only a few exceptions, thtre-ls more
,or less misunderstanding as to some
' part of the proposed line of action. In
the first place observe that a transfer
of the final power from the political
party to the people abolishes party
government by establishing the sov
ereignty of the people. To bring about
this change is the mission of the peo
ple's party. It i3 not working for a
continuance of the rule of any politi
cal party. Its object is to terminate
such a system terminate autocratic
government. v :
"When this is recognized all else
should be clear: The pledging of re
putable candidates for the legislature
- to vote to submit a constitutional
amendment is all that is required. And
this can be accomplished with almost
no effort. In national affairs It Is
rules of procedure that should be
worked for. The rules are not asked
for in state affairs because it is eas
ier to get the submission of an
amendment to the constitution. But
the federal constitution is so difficult
to change, and the need for immediate
legislation in national affairs is-so
pressing that it is considered best to
push for rules of procedure, to be fol
lowed at some later day by an amend
ment of the iederal constitution. In
city campaigns, too, the Jules of pro
cedure should be amended. Self
emancipation Is possible for cities and
easy to secure.
"With the establishment of ' a di
rect initiative In eight or ten per cent
of the voters there is opened an aven
uo for the immediate securing of di
rect nominations, proportional repre
sentation, and such other improve
ments in the system of government as
the progressive workers may deem
desirable. But these changes in state
laws will doubtless come without us
. ing the direct initiative. .
"In national affairs, however, there
la urgent need for the direct initiative.
It. will be some time before the senate
can be constituted so as to frame and
pass the required legislation except by
instructions. Let us plan to instruct
the senators to install the rules of pro
cedure, which will contain a provision
whereby the voters may Instruct at
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will. This is a strategic point. The
monopolists have planned that it
would take years to wrest from them
the control of the senate, but, lo! they
can be made to lose it in a single
campaign, and the people's party can
Insure the success of the plan.
"The president has no veto as to
rules of procedure and bills that re
ceive a favorable vote by the people
will not be vetoed by a -president.
Therefore It Is of comparatively small
coment who becomes president. The
trusts will be directly controlled by
the laws that will result from the
bills that are directly initiated. To
help frame these bills Is of vital im
portance. In fourteen short months
we should meet in national conference
to frame the bills. Great is the work
which the populist party can do! The
mere announcement of the program by
a national convention next year will
insure success.
."After majority rule is established
there will still be political parties, but
they will no longer possess the final
power -they can only recommend.
Naturally, all the successful parties
will, have to champion government
ownership of monopolies, for the peo
ple wil refuse to grant special privil
eges. The differences as to the rec
ommendations of the parties will be as
to the manner in wbiob this public
ownership is to be brought about. One
great party , will stand for the people,
the other for . the capitalists. As to
what will be- the name, of the party
that stands for the people will depend
on circumstances. .In the south the
capitalists will control the democratic
party; in the north this class will con
trol the republican organization,
though exceptions will doubtless be
the rule in both sections, as is the case
today in Wisconsin and South Caro
lina. The socialist party with its de
mand for immediate public ownership
of all the means of production and
distribution, will probably have a
small membership, as is . the .case in
Switzerland, unless it changes" its de
mands. It is demanding the immediate
fruition of an Ideal which It will take
centuries to attain. But the populist
demand, which is a step by step pro
gram toward : publi- ownership, is in
line with, the law, of social develop
ment The populist platform, there
fore, is sure to materialize.
"Two points more.
"The questioning of candidates, to
be successful, must have some one or
mors persons in the district who mean
business. The candidates must feel
that should the7 refuse to reply the
majority rule question will become a
live issuer In Nebraska, last year,
this was not the case. The questions
were sent out over the state from'
Omaha by a few men in that city, un
der the name. Allied Referendum
League of Nebraska. The republican
candidates refused to reply, well
knowing that there was no one to
carry the case to the non-partisan or
ganizations and to the people. Such
a failure is no reflection on the sys
tem we contend for. Wherever the
candidates in last year's campaign
knew that they must reply favorably
or meet the issue, they signed up. In
Missouri, for example, organized labor
sejnt out just before election a second
letter to candidates and it brought in
one-thifd of the total number of re
plies. The candidates were becoming
frightened. The letters to candidates
by organized labor were all remark
ably firm and insistent. They plainly
showed that the candidates must
pledge or fight.
"In conclusion a word as to the
value of signed pledges. They are a
great advance over the party platform.
The planks in , thsse platforms are
more or less vague; and the candidates
do not feel that every line and sylla
ble binds them. But when a candidate
places his signature to an agreement
it is entirely different. It is his agree
ment, and, besides, to repudiate such
a contract could be proven In after
years. Illustrations are numerous as
to the difference between signed per
sonal pledges and platform declara
tions. In the Missouri legislature, for
example, a member declared that he
had not made up his mind how he
should vote on the referendum amend
ment, but when openly questioned by
another member and shown the signed
pledge he acknowledged the genuine
ness of the signature and the binding
power of the agreement. Specific fig
ures are furnished from California as
to the small number who broke their
pledges and in California the con
test was. a live one. ,
" 'When our amendment first came
up.' says Brother Prelle. editor of the
Industrial News, at Oakland.and leg
islative agent of the California state
federation of labor, 'there were two
democrats In the senate who violated
their party platform pledge (the re
publican party refused to promise an
amendment). Otherwise, all who were
pledged either Individually or other
wise - were true. J i he iast time bur
amendment was up only one of the
democratic senators broke his pledge.
" 'It is my judgment that personal
pledges are, as a rule, more binding
than platform pledges.' "
P MISGDVERHMEIIT
No Economic topic of These
Times Has Afforded so
Mny Writers and
Publicists
A FAVORITE TOP1CTO DISCUSS
In Magazines, Newspapers Pam
phlets, Books and the
Public Platforms
Self-government Is not a failure in
any state or in the United States. In
the rural sections it is a success. In
the congested centers of business and
population which we call cities demo
cratic methods of selecting officers
and conducting public affairs have
thus far produced vjcious results.
Many careful thinkers pronounce mu
nicipal free government a
COMPLETE HUMILIATING FAIL-
. . . ure. r - -
Many methods r! reform are sug
gested, but as a matter of cold logic,
the problem reduces itself to a busi
ness proposition. How can we learn
to conduct municipal affairs with
economy and honesty and at the same
time secure the character of service
demanded of modern urban existence?
If cities were managed as life-Insurance
companies are managed, defal
cations and rottenness would not dis
grace the recor's of our municipali
ties. Take for instance the
BANKERS RESERVE LIFE CO.
of Omaha, Neb. It Is six years old
and has made a phenomenal growth
because its business has been "con
ducted by expert business men on
business principles with scrupulous
honesty and discriminating eccnomy.
As a result on the 30th day of Sep
tember, 1903, the company makes the
following splendid showing:
Income January 1 to Sept. -
30, 1903 .". ..... ..... .. .... ,$161,363.19
Balances Dec. 3171902 . , . . . 92,943.00
$254,306.98
Disbursements January 1 to
Sept. 30, 1903.. ....$101,564.28
Net ledger assets September
30, 1903 152,742.78
' - $254,306.98
Invested and other assets... $189,053.21
Net-gain in assets 72,232,23
Insurance in . force Sept
30, 1903 ......$6,561,250.00
The Bankers Reserve Life Company,
with home- offices in McCague Block,
Gmaha;""has on deposit with the audi
tor of public accounts at Lincoln over
$100,000.00 for the security of "policy
holders. B. II. ROBISON,
President.
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