AUGUST 13, 1903.
THE i POPULIST J1AN.IFE5T0
THE NEBRASKA INDEPENDENT
W. J. BRYAN IN THE COMMONER, AUGUST 7.
Below will be found the manifesto issued by
the national committee of tb.3 united people's
party at its recent session in Denver:-
"The manifest unrest which everywhere
appears In the nation demonstrates the dis
satisfaction of the American people with the
present management of government and ar
gues the necessity of the reform forces coming
together in uniied action l the ballot box to ,
obtain proper legislation, whereby the right
of the people in self-government may be bad
.for themselves and their posterity. Therefore,
we, the populists of the United States, having
this day, at the city of Denver, united forces,
with the distinct understanding that all past
differences as to policy shall b3 and now are
permanently settled, and experience having
demonstrated . the futility of any attempt to
secure the enactment of our principles either
, through the republican or democratic parties,
we believe the time is now at hand when the
united people's party should declare itself
emphatically opposed to any affiliation with
either of these parties and unqualifiedly in
favor of national political action.
"Our fundamental principles are known to
all populists and are nowhere better stated
than In that Immortal document enunciated at
Omaha, July 4, 1892. However, for the benefit
of the uninformed, we declare our adherence
to the demands for (a) a money, whether
stamped on gold, silver or paper, to be coined
and issued exclusively by th . government and ''
made a full legal tender for all debts, both i
public and private; (b) a system of transporta
tion and the transmission of intelligence,
owned by the public and operated by the gov
ernment at the cost of service; (c) land for
use rather thaa for speculation, and abolition
of alien ownership of land; (d) American ships
for American .'oreign commerce, without a.
cent of subsidy.
"And as an open door for all economic re
forms, we urge the rule of the people through
the optional referendum an', initiative and tho
recall of derelict officials.
"Confident in the justice of-the principles
here set forth, firmly confident that their tri
umph in government would.be for the best :
interests of the people, we call upon the
patriotic citizens of th's country to join with
us in bringing about their enacJ ent into law.
With these principles firmly established, equal
justice would rrevail, special privileges would
. be eliminated and ours would be, a3 patriots
everywhere desire, a government of the peo
v pie, for the people, by the peqple."
, - It will be noticed that the committee not only
assumed to speak for the party, but assumes to
be the party. It says: "We -he popul?sts of the
United States, having this day at the city of Den
ver united forces," etc. The first question that
' arises is, What authority has a committee to de
cide, in advance of a delegate convention and
without instructions from the voters, the policy of
the party? ,
The committee declares that experience shows
the futility of fusion and that "the time is now
at hand when the united people's party should de
clare itself emphatically cnpo3ed to affiliation
with either of these (repulllcan or democratic)
parties."
Such a declaration would not be out of place
coming from a committee of the middle-of-the-road
populists, for that party so declared in the
last campaign, but the regular populist, favored
fusion in the last campaign and they have had no
opportunity to t nak upon that question since. If
the national committee of either of th old par
ties attempted to commit its party to a policy
diametrically opposed to the policy of the previous
campaign there vould be a protest from th3 ranic
and file. Will the rank and file of the populist
party be less firm in their insistance upon a voice
in determining the party's policy?
In the second place, It will be noticed that the
compromise Is' no compromise at all, but a:i open
surrender of the regular organization to the middle-of-the-road
organization. The united party
adopts in toto the policy of 'ho- i who in 1896 and
1900 bolted the regular convention and, while
pretending great loyalty to the populist party,
gave what assistance they could to the republican
party. In Nebraska the leader of the middle-of-the-road
movement of 1900 demanded and re
ceived of the republicans a federal office as a re
ward. The bolters only polled about one thou
sand votes in Nebraska and the returns showed
that the movement was either insignificant, or
that the men who talked middle-of-the-road pop
ulism voted the republican ticket Having helped
to defeat the fusion ticket the bolters now secure
from those who voted the fusion ticket a pro
nunciamento against further fusion.
The most noteworthy i art of the new plat
form, however, Is its failure to deal with several
vital issues of the day.
While it adheres to the party's position on the
money question it fails to make specific mention
of the trust question or the question of imperial
ism. Surely the populistsj cannot ignore the trusts
which are practicing extortion without let or
hindrance. And what a travesty to call upon the
reform forces to unite to "obtain proper legisla
tion whereby self-government may - be had for
themselves and posterity," and then pass over in
silence the assault that is being made on the doc
trine of self-government in tie Philippines!
Solicitude for our own rights will avail but little
if we Ignore the rights of others, and a party that
is willing to suppress an ' expression on so im
portant a subject in order to conciliate the men
who helped the republicans carry out an imper
ialistic policy will not appeal very stronsly to the
friends of reform.
The new platform also fails to emphasize the
demand for the election of senators by the people.
This is a reform which has grown constantly for
thirty " years and Is the gateway to other re
forms. Until Cie senate is ma'' 3 dependent upon
the will of the Voters it will be impossible to se
cure a single national reform for which the pop
ulists contend.
How can they hope to secure a money issued
exclusively by the government so long as the na
tional bankers control the senaU? Today both of ; ;
the senators from Nebraska are national bankers'
and pecuniarily interested in the issue of bank
notes and yet the united people's party is opposed
to fusion with the democrats on candidates who
are opposed to bank currency. Fusion gave to
Nebraska the only senator we have had in recent
years who defended the interests of the people,
and yet we are deliberately ir.formed that there
must be no more fusion.
The Commoner has favored fusion because fu
sion offered the best prospect of securing those re
forms upon which democrats and populists agree.
If the democrats had preferred certain defeat un
der independent action to a promise of victory by
co-operation they would Lave been justly charged
with putting party above principle. Have not the
united populists put party t 3ve principle? If we x
. have failed to secure the success which we had x
hoped for, is it not certain that we would have
been defeated even more disastrously had we re
fused to act t gether. If some of the populists
voted the republican ticket because of fusion, did
it not show a. lack of interest in reform?
Some populists seem to thlk t'aat .ue success
of their party depends upon the breaking up of
the democratic party; some of them have not for-;
given the democratic party for having indorsed
some reforms first advocated by the populists. In
stead of rejoicing that a great party organization:
had espoused the income tax, the election of sena
tors by popular vote and direct legislation, some
of the populists were jealous enough to complain
that we had stolen their platform. If these re
forms were urged by -the populists merely as a
means of winning a party victory there might be
some excuse for a desire to monopolize the advoc
acy of them, but if they were advocated because
they were good for the people, then the friends of
these reforms ought to have welcomed indorse
ments from every source. If the republicans would
reform the tariff and restore bimetallism, destroy
the trusts and abandon imperialism, they would
gain a party advantage over the democrats, but
what loyal democrat could complain If the repub
licans did for the country what the democratic
party is trying to do?
The manifesto issued at Denver will, if in
dorsed by the rank and file, put he united pop
ulists just where the middle-of-the-road populists
have been for seven years; it will, if indorsed by
the rank and file, direct the populist fight ugait:t
the democratic party instead of against the re
publican party, i:or to justify their action , the
members of the populist party will have to em
phasize the differences between themselves and
the democrats, whereas in recent campaigns the
regular populists have emphasized the differences
between themselves and the republicans. The
fight which will then ensue will provoke bitter
ness on the part of the democrats and" the real
friends of reform will be divided into warring fac
tions, each faction distrusting the other.
How can the situation be met?
First, by an appeal to the memb.rs of the
populist party. They did not authorize the con
mittee to issue such a declaration of war against
the democrats and should not indorse It. Let
them exercise their right to, self -government and
insist upon being heard before the populist party
is converted into an , assistant republican party,
for the natural and necessary rc.:ult of the com
mittee's action is to make the populist party the
secret ally of the republican party in the next
campaign just as the gold democratic party and
the middle-of-the-road party were secret allies of
the republicans in 1896 and 1900.
'As a matter of fact, the committee's action
was based, not so much on the failure ol fusion in
the past as upon the fear that the reorganize ,
will regain control of the democratic party. The'
action of the populist committee was a groundless,
assumption and will naturally encourage tthe re-;!
organizers who will assume thr the populist com-'
mittee speaks .for the voter.. Of the party it will
be an easy, assumption, too, because the leaders
of the reorganizes are always assuming to speak
ior the whole democratic party. But the Kansas
City platform . democrats need not be discour
aged. The reforms advocated in the platforms of
1896 and 1900 were advocated because the were
right and not merely to catch populist vot s. Let
the party stand by its principles and then if the,
populists attempt to help the republicans defeat
those principles the earnest reformers in the
populist party will, as individuals, co-operate with
the democratic party. Even some of those who
signed the manifesto will hesitate to ft How their
own advice when they see the logical and inevit
able result of their middle-of-the-road policy.
The reforms 'or which the Chicago and Kan
sas City platforms declared are too important to
be jeopardized ly divisions among reformers and
the democratic party can well afford to allow the
populists to bear the blame If those division
arise, but until the rank and file of the populist
party declares against fusion, The Commoner will
refuse to believe that the committee spoke for
the party.
ful man; they arc not rabid nor revo
lutionary, even though they may be
considered socialistic. In a word, th
declarations of the populists will un
doubtedly attract wide attention
throughout the west and the south,
nor will they pass unnoticed in the
east and north. What effect they will
have on the next national campaign
is a matter of conjecture, but one
which will be awaited with Interest
CORRELL PESSIMISTIC.
J. P. Correll, editor of the Easton
(Pa.) Sentinel, continues to be pessi
mistic. The people's party is dead in
Pennsylvania although it is question
able whether in fact it ever had any
real life-and Editor Correll Imagines
that all other parts of the country are
just like the plutocratic vicinity he
lives in. However, he can't be blamed
for being influenced by his environ
ment, and as he expresses a willing
ness to "do a full man's share," here's
our hand. He says:
About fifty leaders of the defunct
V-eople's party and other political
movements met in Denver last Tues
day when the conference was called
to order by J. A. Edgerton, secretary
of the once populist national commit
tee. Mr. Edgerton was made the per
manent chairman with Milton Park of
Texas as vice chairman, and J. H.
Calderhead of Montana secretary.
The principal speech was made by
W. V. Allen of Nebraska, a former
United States senator. Senator Allen
favored a reorganization of the reforu
forces which should embrace the vavi
ous factions, holding practically the
same political doctrines, but differing
in regard to methods. There was also
considerable speaking by others, the
burden of the speeches being the need
for a union of the so-called reform
forces, which had been for a time
marching under the democratic ban
rer because of that party's nomination
of Bryan as its presidential candidate.
An address to the people of the
United States was agreed upon, of
which we have not yet obtained a full
copy. In it the new organization as
serts that it will continue its "de
mands for (a) a money whether
stamped on gold, silver or paper, to
be coined and issued exclusively by
the government and made a full legal
tender for all debts, both public and
private; (b) a system of transporta
tion and the transmission of intelli
gence, owned by the public and oper
ated Jby the government at the tost of
service; (c) land for use rathe. than
for speculation, and abolition of alien
ownership of lard; (d) American
ships for American foreign commerce,
without a cent of subsidy."
The above planks are certainly
"sound" in the estimation of the writ
er here and we can indorse. them ost
heartily. ":
In spite of the statement that has
been made time and again in' these
(olumns concerning the two old par
ties, that they are only "machines"
for office grabbing and money making
for the leaders, it is not possible for
us to see how the proposed new partj
is going to effect the suggested re
forms. Men won't think for them
selves. Instead of using their rea
ton to determine what is right or
wrong they "belong" to a party, just
as the southern slave once belonged to
his master, and they will vote fcr whgt
the selfish party leaders dictate. There
may be need for a union of the prog
ressive and reform elements, but un
til the people are ready to vote for
them it seems like useless loss of en
ergy to launch a new political party.
We realize that the duty Is here, that
ii is necessary to break the shackles of
present party tyranny, and we are
willing to do a full man's share, only
we fear the road is too long fo" us to
reach the end.
G. J. Richmond, editor of the Min
den (Neb.) Courier, In his issue of
the 30th. published the conference ad
dress. Bro. Richmond was present
at the conference and had a voice in
its deliberations.
POST PROTESTS.
Louis F. Post, editor of The Public,
Chicago, seems to have been some
what misled by the press dispatches as
to what was actually done at Denver.
The w conference did not recommend
the organization of a "new national
party immediately" or at any other
Vme. On the contrary it paved the
way for consolidation of two national
parties already in existence. Mr. Post
says:
It is to be regretted that the Denver
conference has recommended the or
ganization of a new national party im
mediately. Nothing can be gained by
this procedure, and much may be lost.
If it did no more, Its tendency, so far
as it may succeed in organizing the
common people against the plutocracy
must be to weaken the strength with
in the democratic party, both in num
bers and influence, of the democratic
democrats who are now in the thick of
a fight for the maintenance of their
supremacy :n that organization.
But the success of this new national
party is not likely to be great enough
to do much damage of that kind. The
greatest damage from such premature
and artificial procedure would arise
if the occasion for a political revolt
should naturally occur. To illustrate
let us suppose a case. Let us suppose
that the republican convention should
be so transparently plutocratic next
year, as to make the democratic re
publicans of the country ripe for re
volt. Let us suppose, further, that
plutocratic influence should succeed
in swinging the democratic party back
Into the control of the remorganizers,
thus exciting the masses of democratic