The independent. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1902-1907, July 16, 1903, Page 2, Image 2
THE NEBRASKA INDEPENDENT JUNE 16, 190$, plishment They sea the defects of our rocial and economic system as clearly as anybody, and I for one give them the fullest credit for honesty and sin cerity, yet the means by which they Eeek to remedy the existing evils la worse than the disease. Any theory, social or otherwise, to :be successful must be in harmony with the laws of nature. To ascertain these and conform to fthem must be the first effort 'of any reformer. -To confound the German social dem ocrats with the socialists of the United States results either from a complete ignorance of the aims of either party 01 from willful perversion of facts. , The social democrats of Germany have long since abandoned their Utop ian illusions; they now seek only the really obtainable and, have the Inflex . ible courage to obtain; neither ridicule threats of prison nor police oppression swerves them from their path or even checks them for a moment, and their progress is steady among all classes ;n Germany. Llebknecht and Bebel are not vi sionaries, but hard-headed, pactical and courageous men of indomitable lmrpose. They are nearer in their demands for reformatory measures to the demands laid down in the populist platform of 1892, than they are to the teachings of Lasalle or Marx, much rearer, The single taxers, or followers of Henry George, are undoubtedly hon est men who sincerely seek a better ment of social and economic condi tions, but their philosophy is one-sided and but half a truth. The foundation of their creed is that land values are exclusively ! due to society, and that the unearned increment belongs by right to society alone, and should be the only source of taxation for fed eral, state and municipal governments. On this foundation they build fh their vivid imagination a Utopian state of society, free from all physi cal, mental or moral ills. Alas. thejr theory applied Ifc prac tice would result in something alto gether different from the Utopia of vheir dreams. They make the fatal mistake in be lieving, first, that only land values are due to society, when in fact all enhanced values of products of hu man labor are due to society; second, that to tax the products of human labor is to Impose a fine on human industry and frugality. . These are grave errors and fatal to their expectations. , . Supposing I raise '5,000 bushels of wheat on my farm here and am living so great a distance from society that I cannot transport it there to sell the 'surplus: that surplus above my indi vidual wants would be worthless. The value of any product of human labo in excess of the wants of the producer -is due to the force of demand from society and consequently due to so- ciety; therefore, according to their theory, that part of value of the prod uct due to the demands of society should belong to society a proposition they deny. They fare no better in their theory, that to tax the products of human la bor is to impose a fine on human in dustry. . 0 ' ; , They don't seem to be able to see . that human industry is the only thing 1 that can be taxed. A piece of land, urban or rural, can produce no rev enue without human exertion, without human industry; it is not in the final analysis land value, but human In dustry and frugality which are taxed. But supposing their theory became the policy of the state, I will argue its application only from rural standpoint the standpoint of the farmer. t If the state -owned all the land, it would lease it to the applicants. If the demand for a certain piece of. land was 'great the rent would be high; -If the demand was small, the rent would be lo.w. If by my industry and the application of scientific method I In crease the productiveness greatly, the demand for this piece of land would increase correspondingly and might be increased to nearly the entire pro- low that I would have to offer the state as much rent as others would be. will ing to give or lose my lease and be dispossessed. Would the state be taxing land val ues or human industry and frugality? What incentive would any one have to labor to adorn and beautify a place, to erect commodious - and expensive buildings and other improvements, HEADACHE At Q drug atom. 25 Dbki 25e. plant trees, etc, if his tenure to the land dependecUra the will of the state, guided only by the revenue paying ca pacity of the land or the cupidity of others desiring to reap and enjoy where others had sown? Would he not be content with the most primitive and inexpensive improvements to enable him to make the most out of the land with the least possible expense? Would that be progress or retrogression? If I now toil and deny jny luxuries in improving and beautifying a farm home, the benefits of which improve ments I will not fully enjoy before my death, would it be unnatural for me to wish to bestow on my children, who have helped me to produce this, tha full benefits of my labor and saving rather than have them go to society which did nothing to produce them? Would the case of man improving a city lot be any different? I repeat now what I have said be fore, that the philosophy of the two parties, socialists and single taxers, will never find many followers among the farmers of the United States. Now the democratic party is in the unfortunate position " that the over whelming majority- of it is handi capped by a wealthy and powerful mi nority In whose hands is the political machinery for' the manipulation of state conventions, whereby a free and complete expression of the masses can be prevented. The Chicago and Kansas City plat forms contained, if not all, at least a great many of the demands that all r formers desire. If the majority of the democratic party at the next national convention can have a full and un trammeled expression of its real wants and nominates men who are living Im personations of its platform, then will its overwhelming numbers make an other reform party, unnecessary; yes, in the nature of things, an impossi bility. ' If they fail in doing ttiis, the party will split forever. The progressive democrats will never retrogress. Whether they will form a new party or join some other reform party, time tlone can tell. - The tendencies of the republican par ty are so well known that a discus &ion of its aims are superfluous. It is. the party of the plutocrats, the party of special privileges and does not de serve the consideration of any lover of humanity or liberty. There now remains to be considered the people's party. Born as a living protest agairst the shortcomings of the republican and democratic parties, and the direct le gal heir of the grange and greenback parties, its existence was natural and a vital necessity. Up to 1896 the only reform party 'worth mentioning. Its first national platform adopted at Omaha in 1892 is the, most states manlike document issued by any party in the United States since the revolu tionary war. I saw it born on that Fourth of July. I was there, not as a populist, but as a looker-on in Venice. I saw some of the fuglemen on the stage, very noisy, some ludicrous, some dramatic, as is usual in such gather ings, and they did not Impress me very favorably; and time has demon strated that my judgment then did not deceive me: they are no longer populists; they have proven renegades and traitors. The real statesmen, who drew up this memorable document, were not seen on the stage much; the real act ors in this political drama were be hind the scenes. I knew them then and know a good many yet. They havejny love and respect This- pop ulist party has been a great educa tional factor in the United States and is yet. The principles laid down In its Omaha platform are being more and more adopted by various localities of the , country, proving the far-seeing statesmanship of its authors. This 'party has laid its foundation broad and deep; it has recognized the laws of nature and conformed to them. It does not seek visionary or impract icable things. It insists on the public ownership of public utilities, that is, utilities which in the very nature of things are monopolistic It insists on' the gov ernment alone exercising the sover eign power of issuing all money.. It insists on equal rights for all and ipeclal privileges to none. It Insists on the initiative and referendum, and many minor matters of Importance to nil; but these are enough. Up to 1896 it was the only legitimate reform party in the United States. In 3S96 came the reformation of the dem ocratic party and by its adoption of the populist principles and its over whelming numbers, brought about the disintegration of the populist party. While the populists have been quar jeling among themselves as to who killed Cock Robin, this is the only true and natural cause of its disin tegration as a party. You have now called an Informal Meeting of the reform forces to Den ver and while I have not tiite. to meet you there, 1 wish you Godspeed. If it Is not considered presumptuous I would like to give some reformers a bit of advice. Do not be captious. . Do not think you have an exclusive Hen on all wisdom, for there is many & silent man following a plow who can .outstrip you in thinking, -v. Abide by the majority judgment. Make a good, short platform or Ftatement of principles; on your life rot more than the Omaha platform; and if you call a national convention, adopt that platform and see to it, as you value your life and honor, that no man is nominated who is not a jiving representative of that platform. Platforms are easily made, but dif ficult to carry into execution. - Nominate. silent men; men who can do: koenen, koenig or king the Sax on for a man who can do and not Ken who are afnicted with that great est, chronic, constitutional, 'incurable national disease mouth diarrhoea! Then quietly await the result of the democratic national convention and act accordingly after. F. ENGELHARD. Rising City, Neb. A PAIR OF QUERIES. Have you read Quick's speech as chairman Iowa democratic convention? Not much comfort for remorganizers in it, nor in platform is there? W. (None in Quick's speech; but plenty in platform because platform is meaningless, and so intended to be. Ed. Ind.) Is Edgerton, et al., quite consistent in denouncing gold democrats for tak ing votes from Bryan in 189G-1900 that he should have had, and then an nouncing their intention to do the same thing, a year before excuse for it can possibly arise, if it ever does? W. v . (Edgerton, et aL, don't claim to be democrats. Have no objections to helping Bryan on a Chicago or Kan fas City platform, but very serious ob jections to assisting him on an Iowa platform. Ed. Ind.) INDIAN TERRITORY. Editor Independent: Your letters of May 16 and 28 as well as the Henry George Edition reached me in due time. The reticence and indisposition shown by the tardy reply I hope will not be attributed to a dearth or an epathy toward the cause. The writer apprehends that he shares with oth ers the "feeling that it is even of more consequence that the party in ener gizing itself should make the right moves than to make any at all. I have read with deep interest the opinions expressed through the col umns of The Independent of the is sues and methods proposed; and I would avail myself of the opportun ity offered to congratulate the editors of The Independent upon their syste matic course and policy pursued in the effort at securing the sentiment and feeling of the party relative to the future course to be evolved. The seeming lethargy manifest In the party which the republicans take such pride in pointing to as a marked evidence of death is but seeming. The energy displayed by the republicans In trying to make it appear that the peo ple's party is defunct should be proof positive of the fear that it entertains of its demise, that it v.'oa't stay dead. Like Banquo's ghost, it won't down. Its periodicals are teeming with the subject of its Uneventful ending." Every stump-speaker points- to the mortuary feature with great pride, hut with a very manifest reserve of fear lest an activity should seize upon Its "inanimate" form that lies so docile now, a reserve force that might have to be reckoned with, and that the sleep that is upon it might not prove to be the sleep that knows no waking, the sleep of death. That there Is inertia among our troopers Is apparent, but it should not operate as a cause for alarm. It is In the very nature of things and follows from being relieved from fa tigue duty, for a time, by an old-time rarty taking up its fight and adopting its principles. It requires responsi bility to energize one and a division of responsibilities can very properly be urged as a cause for any ennui or seeming indifference In the party. Being weary from the long, hard campaigns, forced marches and double .1uty, that the membership had volun tarily taken upon themselves, now that their numbers had so vastly increased ls to materially lessen the burden.' the fchift or sharing the responsibility amounted to a relaxation and with re laxation followed a relaxation of en ergy. - At the called meeting of the com mittee held at the Sherman house in Chicago lo supply the place of Mr. Towne on the ticket for vice president. In seconding the nomination of Mr. Sterenson, the writer took occasion to state, in substance, that we were la no manner yielding a point or relax ing our hold, but per contra the party was in the attitude of the faithful sentinel who, relieved by the accession to the ranks of superior numbers byt the joint union of the forces was rest ing upon its arms until at such a time as he shall hear the bugle call to fall Into line and man the works. A true populist one that is not in the party for spoils is a populist by education and his politics is a part of his religion, he can see every reason 1 . 1 1 tTTt . 1 wuy ue snuuia press on. wnai nas happened to discourage? Everything may not have gone just as he would have ordered it; indeed, his disap pointments may have been many. But whilst he has had disappointments to chafe him he looks at his cause for rejoicing. He reviews the history of the party. , He sees but a handful meeting hefe and there in isolated! places. Then he sees the country school house jfilling, filling by degrees to repletion. He recalls, - next, how cities began taking cognizance of the advanced ideas of true democracy, and, then, he sees the work and influence of these few handfuls extending' from ocean to ocean compelling an old-time political party, of national power, to, become an ally and adopt its prin ciples. Should that not be enough to nerve on any fainting spirit to redoubled energy? But "even all of that, that is not all! - Does the student of political econ omy doubt for a moment that the work set in motion by that few oper ates not as a - check upon the powers that be? Think you if the attention . of the republican party had not been called in such an emphatic manner so emphatic, indeed, as to rattle Its foundations to first principles, de monstrating that half, aye, mor than half of the people were not yet given over to Mammon, but wise enough to keep in touch with party movements and were alive to the fact of how that party had left its first love and how it had wandered off after false gods and had gone to worshiping idols, lhat today we would have had more than a semblance of democratic in stitutions or an apology for a repub lican form of government? We have had a sample of its meth ods without check in the Philippines where the rights of a people have been overridden, a nation ignored and meth ods adopted to subjugate a well-mean ing, an enlightened race that are worse than the most diabolieaf meas ures adopted by the heathen, or the inhuman, fiendish barbarous practices of the savage the "water cure." Let the rejblican party go unre strained by an enlightened sentiment and the stereotyped question "where are we at?" would be useless, then, since the most illiterate would soon have a cause to know, the knowledge would be imparted to him by "hard knocks and raps" until he was fully conscious or unconscious of just where he was at. . A retrospect of the past enables us to form an estimate of the future. ' "By their fruits ye shall know them." The work of the people's par ty: its influence for good is beyond computation. As the parent of all re form movements today she can point with pride to her direct offspring socialism; to the active stimulation of labor unions; to" the incarnation of true democratic principles into so called "democracy;" and last, but not least, she can arrogate to herself the credft of enlightening the public mind to such a degree as to offer serious obstacles to republican rapacity and that behaves as a preventive measure irom ignoring the constitution alto gether. The party has passed the formative stage and its procreatlve powers are recognized. Men who are not alliel with the cause, thinking men are forced to admit the schooling which it has exerted in economics and which the antagonists of a- popular govern ment have learned to dread. If It Is not plain to every member already It should be made one of the functions of the party to acquaint, to post and emphasize the absolute im portance of each "standing up and be ing counted," and In exerting himself to the extent at least in aiding to hold I he membership, the numerical strength of the party as high as pos sible. It is manifest that if we could not accomplish more we have shown that we have abandoned no principles; that we have taken up our work right where we left o3; that while we stand ready to throw our influence to any party that would adopt our principles or fight along our lines, preferring a half a loaf to no bread at all; and, believing that with one-half gained the-