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WHAT TO BEAD FIRST
(Written for Henry George Edition
of The Independent)
Naturally single taxers, when asked
this question, give various answers.
The same man will not always reconr
mend the same books to all comers.
For the majority of thoughtful read
ers my recommendation would be
1. Social Problems.
2. Protection or Free Trade.
If "Social Problems" will not stir
any mind to the need of changing the
conditions that be, and to the impulse
to help on the change, then.; nothing
will. It is intensely interesting, and
it is simple, and clear throughout It
is a book of the heart as well as cf
the head. It comes straight from an
earnest heart intensely sympathetic
and from a sincere mind profoundly
convinced of a great truth.
Of all Henry George's books, the
one which marches on with closest
reasoning and most inevitable argu
ment has always seemed to me to be
"Protection or Free Trade." Thought
follows thought with straightforward
sequence, and .with presentation so
clear that no open mind can resist
the chain of conclusions. The reader
is brought near the close to an argu
ment and plea for the single tax
which for plain, homely, earnest rea
soning has never been surpassed
- v J. H. DILLARD.
New Orleans, La.
glXGLK TAX AND SOCIALISM
. (Written for Henry George Edition
of The Independent.)
I prefer to dwell on the similarities
between socialism and the single tax
rather than to exaggerate their dif
ferences. The advocates of both see
the injustice of our present industrial
arrangements and long for a timt
when , every man shall have oppor
tunity for work and receive the full
value of his services, which, in all
cases of manufacture, would be the
value of the product of his work.To
secure this end the socialist says that
the community must seize all' the
means of production, manage them,
and divide the product equitably. It
must, be admitted that this is a stu
pendous undertaking. The means of
production include all land, mines, for
ests, water power, railways, factories,
stores and shops, and a committee ap
pointed today to, draw up a scheme for
their administration, in single state
would find the task well-nigh impossi
ble. The single taxer sees these dif
ficulties and endeavors to simplify tin
problem. He tries to classify an J
separate the means of production intj
different categories. First of all, there
is the land, which no man made a
natural gift tc ail mankind and nec
essary to life, including the natural
monopolies involved in the posses
sion of coal mines, oil fields, etc., and
in the use of highways for railways,
trolley lines, gas pipes, telephone and
telegraph wires, etc. Then besides
these right in land all of them mo
nopolistic in their nature we have
the category of capital free from mo
nopoly that is all manufactured
things, houses, goods and machinery,
which can be reproduced freely if the
sources of raw material are left open
and which consequently involves no
monopoly.
Now, the single taxer says that it
is wi3e to discriminate between these
different kinds of possessions. Inso
far as the franchises for rails, wires
and pipes are concerned, he is willing
to accept socialism because the mu
nicipalization of these utilities is evi
dently perfectly practicable. Then he
sees the justice of insisting upon giv
ing an equal right in land to every
citizen, and he finds that the same end
which the socialist expects to attain
by "nationalizing" the land can be
secured by taxing it to its full annual
value, remitting all other taxes. Ob
viously no man has any advantage
over any other in respect to land, if
he pays the full value of his holding
each year to the , community. Tbe
tax thus placed on land without in
cluding improvements will free all
manufactured things, " including
houses, from the heavy burden of tax
ation which they bear and increase
enormously the production of wealth
It is a strange fact that taxes on land
(without including improvements)
stimulate production, so that the land
may pay the tax, while taxes on
houses and goods discourage the pro
uction of houses and goods. Put a tax
on cats and people begin to drowa
them. Put a tax on vacant lots and
the owners are forced to build on
them, or to sell to some one who will.
The issue between socialist and sin
gle taxer lies in the intention of the
former to seize all private, personal
property used as a means of produc
tion, even where no monopoly righz
is Involved. The single taxer con
tends that this is unjust A man is
entitled to what he makes, just as a
bird is entitled to its nest, and to seizo
all the machinery and factory; build
ings of the country would be inde
fensible. Furthermore, everything b'i
land is gradually wearing out; the
life of machinery is only a few years,
and if everyone is given an equjj
chance in the raw material from which
machinery and manufactures come,
wealth will soon be justly distributed.
It is sufficient to divert the river at
its source; the water already in the
old channel will soon disappear.
Is it not better to take one step at
a time? There are far more argu
ments for the nationalization of the
land than of the machinery upon it.
Why not kill land monopoly first?
When that is done, we can see if it is.
necessary to go fartber, And it ia thp
farmer, of all others, who should take
the side of the single tax, for his
farm, has little or no ground rent val
ue, while the only sufferers from the
new system would be the. holders uf
unearned increment in cities ' and
towns and even they would share in
the general increased prosperity of the
community. .
- - ERNEST -H. CROSBY.
Rhicebeck,NY
Political economy as a science owe3
its origin to Henry George. Others
had written upon the subject, but not
in the truly scientific . method. - Mr.
Georga was ihe first to base his pre
mises upon , both "natural and moral
law rather, proving these laws real
ly one and drawing his conclusions
with iron-clad logic from inexorable
facts. He gives, not his own opinion,
but nature's unquestioned laws, self
evident truths. This is true science.
Contrast it with the senseless jum
ble of unrelated facts and non-se-quitor
- theories of the. 'economics"
writers', who utterly ignore both na:.
ture' and morals W. H. T. Wake
field. vXvSS
A QUESTION OF MORALS
(Written for Henry George "Edition
of The, Independent)
Though independent political ac
tion has often been urged upon single
taxers upon grounds of expediency the
idea has never gained favor, the ma
jority considering it more politic to
remain in the existing political or
ganization and "follow the line of
least resistance." But the question
arises, is It morally right for us to do
this? Can we conscientiously support
and vote for the measures that they
advocate? This question must be set
tled before' we can consider that of
Seeming expediency, ' for nothing can
be truly expedient if in conflict with
good morals. Assuming this as true,
let us see whether we can rightfully
countenance and vote for existing par
ties.
The organizations agree in uphold
ing the private ownership of land, in
the taxing of the products of labor,
in the advocating of a tariff differing
merely as to the purpose of the tax
they disagree as to the method of reg
ulating trusts, as to the kind of mon
ey we are to use and upon the policy
of expansion. These policies advo
cated by them are all violence of
natural law and justice. We know
that private ownership of land is the
source of industrial slavery, and that
taxation of the products of labor is
morally equivalent to robbery, and
that in favoring such measures these
political parties are doing what must
bring poverty and distress to millions
of people. We also know that "trusts"
and "expansion" are but logical re
sults of private ownership of land and
of the spirit it engenders, and that it
is senseless to try to fight these, the
symptoms, while approving of our
present land laws as all the existing
parties do. Now knowing all these
policies to De absolutely wrong, and
that They are utterly opposed to our
principles, and realizing that back of
every economic question lies a moral
question, we cannot rightfully and
conscientiously vote for parties seek
ing to enact them into law.
When we know' that our neighbor is
striving to do something that will
cause great injury to another, if we
aid him so to do we are ourselves
guilty of the wrong. And when we
knowing that political organizations
are seeking to pass measures that will
deprive their fellow-men of their nat
ural heritage and debase them from
free men into practical serfdom, still
countenance and vote for their suc
cess, we are morally guilty of wrong
doing; conceding that some of the
principles of one party may be a shade
less objectionable than those of the
other, yet even then its principles are
still utterly bad. And if so,' why
should we vote for them? No one
forces us to. do so; we are free to or
ganize a party based on the single
tax, and to vote for what is right.
Clearly this last is our only course;
so long as there is a correct line of
conduct open to a man, he cannot
properly choose an Immoral course
because it gives better promise of suc
cess nor because it' is easier to fol
low. Our present positloa Involves
TEAS
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the surrender of our convictions on
every election day. It means that we
must talk' one way and vote another.
That our whole political life must be
a series5 of inconsistencies. That we
must stand sponsor for all the va
garies that politicians adopt That
we must, like Peter deny his Master,
abandon the right in each campaign
to vote against what we know is
morally wrong. This, in all kindness,
savors of moral cowardice, and this
will never win our battle. Besides, it
Is better to deserve success than to
obtain it, better to be right than suc
cessful. '''
The writer understands the objec
tions that will be urged. The misrep
resentations to which such a party
will be subjected, the difficulty of get
ting even good single taxers to break
away from the party affiliations, and
the probable opposition of most of
our leaders. All this is true and it U
to be regretted, but it should not deter
us from doing what is right. Ow
cause is too grand to be gained by
any save correct methods.
It will be said that we are not
strong enough to organize, but this
is not true as to the states of New
York, - Ohio, Illinois, Missouri. Kan
sas, Colorado, Texas, California.
Washington, Delaware, Michigan and
perhaps of Pennsylvania and Massa
chusetts. In each of these states
there are thousands of single taxers,
and if any considerable number of
these people will organize the greater
part of the balance will be forced Into
the party by the abuse heaped upon
it, and from these states the move
ment will gradually spread to others.
Believing this question vital to our
cause the writer suggests that those
in each state who feel that indepen
dent action is our moral duty take
steps to form a nucleus around which
single taxers can gather. The writer
would be glad to hear, from all vvho
favor political organization, and may
be of assistance in putting them into
communication with others of this
opinion. He also suggests that the
matter be debated and discussed in
the various single tax clubs of our
country. E. T. WEEKS.
New Iberia, La.
Do not confuse land area with land
value. Taxation is not of area, but
of values. Values depend upon what
others will r-ay for use of the land,
of possible profits above wages. Farm
lands are of large area and small val
ue because they yield but little, if
anything, above wages. W. 4 H. T.
Wakefield. ,.-.
"The real source of weakness in a
reform movement 13 generally the
class of cultivated men who, either
through moral cowardice or a fatuous
seeking after the reputation of amia
bility, refuse to stand out for what
they know to be JustChicago Single
Tax .Club. ' j , ,
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Big "H" brand package Coffee, lib pkgs, lb 12c.
NOW AS TO TAXATION
(Written for Henry George Edition
of The Independent.) ,
In raising taxes or revenue the gov
ernment, that is all of us, must keep
the moral law.
Laws making for life are moral;
laws making for death are immoral:
but this may be, too general a state-'
ment. Let's apply two accepted moral,
laws.
First We must observe this, "Thou
shalt not steal." In laying tax on
personal property, on what any man
has earned, for which he has given a
definite part of his life, we rob him.
If it is $1 or $100 so raised, he has
lost it. It has been taken from him.
Tax land values, which no man by
his own effort created, and we do not
rob him.
Second "Lead us not into tempta
tion." This is the prayer given for
society. Now a personal tax does
tempt men. We hand a paper to a
man and say, "Fill it up and swear
to its truth; if you are willing to per
jure yourself you can pay less than
if you tell the truth." Tax on land ,
alone and land values does not , re-'
quire of a man his own valuation.
Now, so long as government ralse3
revenue by violating these two fun
damental moral laws, it is all the
while making its people immoral to a
greater or less extent.
Let us do justice and let us follow
truth as a government The single
tax is ethical and moral. It will
t make for character. The present
method rewards perjury and deceit.
It (single tax) does not steal from
any man any part of his own; it
taxes only the land given by the Cre
ator to all. It does not tempt men to
lie. Why are taxes universally re
garded as an evil, as a thing to get
rid off and out of if possible? Men do
not so regard office rent, nor house rent
nor water rent, nor any other debt3.
Because it is rot "for value received."
But apply the single tax and men will
gladly pay the tax or rent for use ot
the land which they will recognizo
belongs equally to all. 1
C. F. NESB1T,
1801 Phelps Place N. W.
' Washington, D. C. .
"White pararols and elephants ma3 .
with pride are the fruits of a grant
of land," runs the old East Indian
proverb. White parasols are there
an , emblem cf high rank, and mad
elephants of an irresponsible, danger
ous power for evil. ' High rank and
dangerous power belong to those with '
monopolized land values,1 especially of
such valuable land as Baer's anthra
cite roads and mines, Rockefeller's oil
fields, Vanderbllt's long, narrow strips
called "rights of way." Pierpont
Morgan's bank stands on land ot!
which one acre will sell for more than
all the land of the ten richest coun
ties of Nebraska. W. H. T. Wakefield,
SEN D IN YOUR OR DERS.
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