THE NEBRASKA INDEPENDENT
APRIL 30, 1903.
0I1BAKIZED capital
Mr, Plain Denies the ifJgM of Organic
lion Except it be in Harmony With
- 1'rlnclplea of Justice
Editor lndeDendent: In the dis
cussion of the question of the rights
of any class, whether it be capital or
labor, one must take into considera
tion the right3 that are involved.
None will deny the right of any citi
zen who Is interested with his fel
low citizen in any business pursuit to
organize, unless the working of such
an organization is not In harmony
with the rights of every other citi
zen. If an organized body of certain
liuco ui vusiucoa ntic tu uioivimu
the right of the consumer or user of
the output of such a combination,
then that organization would be det
rimental, hence It would not be in
harmony with the idea of "justice to
all,' privileges to none."
Government is not for the pur
pose of exploiting the resources of
a country, but its greatest duty is,
first, to make the citizen safe and
secure; next, to bo guard the natural
resources of the country, that oppor
tunities are open to all alike. The
ultra-distinction of a vigorously ad
ministered government is its capacity
to adjust its workings so- the burdens
will fall on all alike.
In a previous article on govern
ments, their duties and their purposes,
we spoke of the citizen, distinguish
Ing between a government which had
ingrafted Into it the paternalistic idea,
which Is but ah effort of the few to
enrich themselves, and that which
gives to all according to the prin
ciples of equity. In calling attention
to these principles, we wish to bring
to our fellow citizens the clear cut
idea, that governments are as good
as the people make them. And, in
proportion as the people 'realize the
fundamental principles, that are the
framework of a constitutional gov
ernment, in just that prpportion will
they be able to discharge their whole
duty to their fellowman.
An ignorance of the equity of free
institutions, gives the legislative
thug, the political prostitute, a lati
tude that is ripe with perfidy, and po
litical rapine. In keeping the common
people ignorant, or by thwarting their
will, the minority can shift the fruits
of labor into the hands of the few.
But should the people apply the prin
ciples that are fundamental, there
could be no such a thing as the right
of any set of citizens organizing, if
that organization is in its workings
detrimental to the commonweal.
How can we judge these questions?
Which is right, capital or labor?
There must be some principles set up
as a standard, before we can get our
bearing. The only principles which
we know are those that are funda
mental to the rights of each and ev
ery citizen: rights which mean that
each and every citizen must enjoy
"life, liberty and the pursuit of hap
. piness." If the principles of freedom
are to be our standard of measure
ment, there can possibly be no equity
in organized wealth as it is con
ducted today.
In bringing forth the ;principle of
liberty as the standard of equity, we
not only judge the question accord
ing to the highest standards, but ad
just our reasoning to the great idea
"that all men are created equal." In
fact we rejuvenate the maxim with
the idea that "justice to all, privileges
to none," will bring us civic virtue:
hence, will be the crucial test which
leads us away from the quagmires of
plutocratic perfidy.
In allowing the idea of discrimina
tion to coil Its slimy tentacles around
our body politic, we gave the first
breath to the prostituting of justice,
for no other purpose than to foster
the very rich at the expense of the
many, piscrimination is the harlot
which has raped justice, and left her
mangled body as a sweet morsel for
plutocratic vultures to feast and fat
ten upon.
No citizen who has any civic virtue
can defend such principles of politi
cal piracy. It seems as though the
rich, the erudite, and those who have
a preconceived idea about the rights
of the learned, are the only ones who
can deiend such a theory. Of course
that Is easily explained: they are the
beneficiaries of such a theory; but in
nearly all reforms the ultra-opulent
and erudite are always on the wrong
side. The plutocratic theory, which
has always been fathered by the er
udite and the opulent, Is nothing less
than the doctrine of thrones.
The fact is that this theory is
based on the idea that, if labor earns
five dollars per day, it is only to get
tw6 dollars as its part, and capital is
to get three dollars as its part, so
that the idle -holders of wealth can
build up an aristocracy which will
pride itself, not only on its power to
accumulate, but to give labor employ
ment, also make a display of its
wealth, which is wrung from the brow
of the toiler, and the thought might
be followed farther followed till it
brings one to the palace of the rich;
and, too, the institutions of learning,
which are kept up by wealth, that is
obtained, like the vampire that sucks
the blood of his victim, from the mis
ery and poverty of the masses. Fol
low the thought to its ultimate and
see where wealth is Illegitimately ob
tained, subsidizes the press and turns
its endowed institutions into kinder
gartens of false ideas about the rights
of man, and teaches fallacious doc
trines of wealth as the highest science
of economy.
If we are to allow an idea, which
gives to labor only a part of what
it justly earns, to bqcome part and
parcel of our economy, then why not
look farther and see the destitution
which such doctrine causes? We
mean if we are to allow the pluto
cratic theory to be our standard, then
why not see the poverty and misery
which is the natural result of such
doctrine? It 13 bad enough to allow
individuals to prostitute themselves,
but it is a thousand times worse to
make wealth a harlot, which serves
as a libertine, to ravish and prostitute
the virtue of the whole people. If
we are to allow the doctrine of wealth
to warp our government from the
true and tried paths of equity and
justice, we will become sponsor for
a theory as perfidous as that which
made Pharoah king of Egypt, and de
nied to Joseph's brethren the straw
they needed in brick-making.
The question is, where will this
theory lead us? or where will it not
lead us? It will lead us into paths
made gory by the blood of conquest;
teach us that some are made to
serve, others to govern. Such would
divide the nation into servers and,
rulers; and. define a parallel, ' which
has for its opposite lines, ultra-opulence
and poverty.
The great principle that is the
guide, and is superfine in its equity,
is that.no government that is justly
administered can recognize the right
of either capital or labor to organize,
if the workings of such a combination
is a detriment to the welfare of each
and every citizen.
If we build upon the idea that capi
tal has a right beyond the legitimate
bound3 of its business, or has a right
to destroy competition, and that, too,
without any regard for the consumer,
we would destroy every barrier, which
would make potent the idea of equal
ity..' ::::: .-
To destroy the bounds of legitimate
business, and say that capital has a
right to monopolize the avenues cf !
opportunity, would be to teach a doc
trine that is as vicious as the divine
rights of kings. Such doctrine would
become a Nero or a Caligula, more
than a citizen of our enlightened re
public. Nothing could help the mon
archical idea more than to say that
the working class are the servers of
opulence; and that labor must be the
one that carries the "dainty idler" on
his back. Nothing could foster an
aristocracy of wealth more than o
say that such doctrine is the most
exalted of the sciences and is the
only science that deals with progress
of mankind.
In searching for the justice of the
organization of capital, one must take
into consideration the whole bearing
in the case. What is the aim of capi
talists forming commercial combines?
Is it to make a cheaper article? Is it
to manufacture a better class of
goods? Or is it to reach into new
territory, where a different people
are the consumers? .Does such com
bination confine their work to the
legitimate channels of their trade, or
do they combine for the purpose of
making a monopoly of . the whole
business?
In retracing the pages of history,
we there find that nearly every re
form which was started on one side
were the erudite and opulent; on the
other, the struggling masses, who
have long bean ground down by the
patrician.
All of the struggle that has come
to the toiling millions is a burden
which has been laid on by those who
enriched themselves at the expense of
th? masses. All new doctrines that
have been advanced, all forms of new
though which carried with it the bet
terment of the masses, sprung to life
in the ranks of the overburdened; in
fact, the whole struggle with the
masses has been for the purpose of
lielf-preservation. It has been more
of a struggle of self-defense than any
thing else.
The cause of all of this is simply
the giving to a certain class more
than what was their due. We mean
by that discrimination in the way of
tanas, special privileges and exemp
tion from taxation, and otherwise
evading the just burdens of govern
niiiiiiiiM
1. Evarjr ' D
I -
OF THIS BIG STORE
Is Filled to Overflowing with
the Seasons Newest and Choic
est Goods
H Large Assortments
H In the garment section, Suits, Jackets, Skirts
H and WaiRts. Spring Millinery, the Lest of
: the season styles at lower prices than yon are
H asked to pay elsewrfere.
H Silk and Dress Goods
H White goods, and Wash Dress Fabrics,
H whatever is new in these lines can be found
S here. Send for samples
I MAIL ORDERS WILL RECEIVE PROMPT ATTEM I
LINCOLN, - NEBRASKA I
IlllllIllIliMllIIlllllIIJIIIIIllfllflfllllllllllllHflllfllflillllilllilllHf iilf jUStllififllfP
That is the cause which produces
so much discord in our body politic.
That cans- has been the curse of the
past, and is of the present, and will
be the cause of our republic dropping
into the throes of political prostitu
tion; and is really today putrifying
the manhood and laying bare a politi
cal perfidy, that can only be equalled
by the intrigue and rapine of the fol
lowers of the 'Roman tyrants.
The prototype of legislative larceny
is a species of robbery that was be
gotten In the centralized wealth of
Macedonia, Persia, Egypt, Greece and
Rome. While the centralization of
the wealth of those old monarchies
was crude in its workings, the lar
ceny and the prostitution of the
whole people is' so interwoven with
our body politic that it seems almost
impossible for the common people to
get what is justly their due. With
ultra-precision the whole people is
robbed, that the few may live in
palaces, and practice plutocratic phil
anthropy. The whole course of hu
man progress is strewn with de
formed humanity, simply because
there is a class who believe in the
privileges of the few.
If we take a clear view of the whole
subject, take it not as the partisan,
but as one seeking light, we un
doubtedly would grasp the idea that
governments, justly administered,
cannot discriminate against any citi
zen; but that the duty of governments
is to guard the rights of the citizen,
and that, too, without regard to his
wealth or his poverty.
In concluding these remarks, we
wish to impress upon our readers that
constitutional governments can be as
oppressive as that of a tyrant. And
monarchical governments can be lib
eral enough for its subjects to enjoy
a large amount of freedom. Where
the whole difference comes 'in is that
the subject may concede that the
office of chief magistrate may, as far
as he is concerned, be inherited by
the royal family; but that the indi
vidual rights of his fellow subjects
must not be abridged. Therefore, a
subject, by a zealous regard for the
rights, not only of himself, but for
every other subject of a monarch,
can enjoy a greater liberty than a
Samuel B, Hums Attorney
NOTICE TO NON-RESIDENT DEFENDANTS'
la The District Court in and for Lrcnstr
county Nebraska. Luther Batten Mai'etiff
vs. John Young, Mrs. Jt.tm Youn first nam,
unknown, Emerton Yonn. Un. EmsrVou
Young his wife, first name unknown. Mr"
VZl T?nburn, firl me unknown nad
She defendants John Youns, AIr:J. JoLn Yonu
flm Dame unknown, Emerson Youtw um! Mr'!
Emerson Yoontr his wif Km name' nkr..Wr
pJ..2urlitaybarL' f,rL8t nRul" unknown and
Edward Kayburn her hu8band.non-ra?ideritsand
defendants in said cause will each take not
that the Raid plaintiff on February nth vv-t
fLed his amended petition against said dfen'I
d nt, and each and all of them, in the District
court of Lancaster county, Nebrkskaahe
and prayer of said amended petition Mrl f
have the title to the real estate described in
said petition, being the north half (N w) of
southwest quarter S. WYii) of sn-tinn JiLul
(8). township (in ran six 6 finTa id K
quieted m Luther Batten the said plaintiff and
.1lV.tth-e ? ton plaintiff'stitle o said
real estate by any claims of said defendant
and each and all of them removed, and to hive
aid defendants and each and all of them aid
fhij?.WM cl?IRln b.y OT throu"b or under
them or any ol them forever barred from a,
serting title or right of any kind or character
to any of said real estate, and to hav the rec
ord title of said John Younif as to said lands
cancelled and held for naught. The (lef-nints
are required to answer to said amended retiUon
1903F Monday th day of May! A. a
LUTHER BATTEN.
I'iaitstilT.
citizen of a republic, who is car;!ess
of his rights. A citizen who tolerates
discrimination, and who believos in
the virtue of trusts and combines,
and who by legislation helps , main
tain legislative piracy, is but little
better than the Greek helot. The
black man was kept in bonded slav
ery, but the white man, by servility
to Mammon, i3 an intellectual slave
more despicable than the most de
graded of barbarians. The nro
knew he toiled under chattel chains,
but the citizen by prostituting his
God-given intellect, becomes like the
parasite, which without the guilded
blindness of servility ' would soon
perish and die. Moral cowardice,
which is the parent of intellectual
slavery, is on the same plane with
the thug who fiendishly enjoys the
cry of the murdered, and gloats over
the wail of the ravished.
PERRY D. PLAIN. 5
Atwater,-Ill. ;
v.
