THE NEBRASKA INDEPENDENT.
APRIL 2, 1903.
FREIGHT RATES
Tle Kenaedr BUU lauhtrd by the
Railway Lobby Kaaacdy'a Kaaach
Representative J. A. C. Kennedy of
Douglas last Friday forced the rail
road lobby to again show Its hand.
The lobby had no trouble In beating
him then, but, Kennedy sowed the seed
which will some time result In the
political death of a good many poli
ticians who so joyously bowed, their
necks to the railroad yoke, i
As to what was done, we cannot
Improve on . Harvey E. Newbranch's
special correspondence to the World
Herald. Under Lincoln date of April
. Z, he said: ...
Ominous of the approaching storm
against railroad" compaQles that are '
exacting unjust and exorbitant freight
rates from the people of Nebraska was
the vote upon the Kennedy maximum
rate bills taken in the house of repre- ;
sentatives this morning. '
Though the railroad; lobby was on
the ground in force: though the hiss
of its whip was heard right in repre
sentative hall; though the slave driv
ers were beating their minions back
into line by mam force,: still there
were twenty-seven republicans ; who,
on the first vote ; taken, dared stand
out against the demands of the rail
roads. And when the second vote
was taken, though the lobby had in
the meantime leaped , upon the re
publican members as a tiger leaps
upon , its prey, there still remained
nineteen of them who stood firm for
lower freight rates in Nebraska. But,
while nineteen republicans voted with
the f usionists for, the Kennedy bills,
forty-seven republicans voted the
dictates of their railroad masters, and
the bills were lost :
The republican ' vote for the bills
was unexpectedly large. That it was
large tells, eloquently, how . strong is
the popular demand for ; protection
from railroad extortion in Nebraska.
But, more than this, it was a' deserved
tribute to the splendid speech made
by Kennedy, on the floor of the house,
in advocacy of his measures; Though
not much time , was occupied in its
delivery, the ' speech was easily the
most, convincing delivered during the
session, and the facts and figures ad
duced therein are destined to be a
, valuable educational influence in the
fight that is rapidly approaching.
As soon as the house convened this
morning Kennedy moved that house
roll 421, directing the attorney gen
eral to institute proceedings to en
force as many of the schedules of the
maximum rate law as possible, and
house roll 451, creating a state board
to have control of the regulation of
freight rates, be advanced to the head
of the sifting file. Discussing this
motion, Mr. Kennedy proceeded direct
ly to argue the merits of the bills. To
do so he made a showing to prove
that freight rates in Nebraska are ex
orbitant, and that they can be re
duced to those prescribed by the
maximum rate bill and still leave the
railroads with a high earning capac
ity. He'produced a lengthy compila
tion of Nebraska rates on grain, as
compared with Iowa rates, to prove
that Nebraska rates are from 50' to 75
per cent the higher of the two for
the same distance. Here are a few of
his illustrations:
To ship from Hastings to Omaha
over the Burlington & Missouri, a
distance of 151 miles, costs 16 cents per
100 for wheat and 14 cents for corn.
The Iowa rates for that distance is
91-2 cents for wheat and 7 9-10 for
corn a difference of approximately 75
per cent in favor of the Iowa farmer.
To ship from Kearney to Omaha
over the Union Pacific, a distance of
199 miles, costs 16 cents for wheat
and 11 cents for corn. The Iowa rate
is 10 67-100 for wheat and 8 89-100 for
corn. To ship from Grand Island to
Omaha, over the i ame road, a dis
tance of 156 miles, costs 16 cents for
wheat and 14 cents for corn. The
Iowa rate is 9 63-100 for wheat and 8
cents fcr corn. A' difference of from
50 to 75 per cent in favor of the Ipwa
farmer.
To ship from Norfolk to Omaha
over the Northwestern, a distance of
119 miles, costs 14 cents for wheat and
12 cents for corn. The Iowa rate is
'8 52-100 for wheat and 711-100 for
corn. The difference is 70 per cent in
favor of the Iowa farmer.
To ship grain over the Missouri
Pacific to Kansas City costs 50 per
cent less than to ship to Omaha over
the Burlington. For instance, from
Falls City to Kansas City, a dis
. tance of 150 miles, costs 8 1-2 cents on
wheat and 71-2 cents on corn. The
Burlington rate for the same distance
in Nebraska is 14 cents on wheat and
12 cents on corn.
Mr. Kennedy then went on to show
that, as a result of charging these un
reasonably high rates, the railroads
are earning enormous profits. He il
lustrated by taking the main line of
The Burlington & Missouri in Nebras-
tta, wmcn is m miles long ana on
which, according to the last report to
the state auditor, the net -earnings
were 12,498,306 or 13.038 per mile.
Canitaliziner the valiiA nf the rrad nn
the basis of 4 per . cent, he showed
that its value, based on earning ca
pacity, is $312,288 per mile. And yet,
he asserted, its reconstruction value is
not to exceed J30.000 a mile the. differ
ence in reconstruction value and
earning value giving just an Idea of
how much money the mmrtiirprs and
consumers of Nebraska are contribut
ing to the profits of the railroads.
This same main line of the Burling
ton is assessed by the state board for
taxation at only $10,580 per mile. '
Continuing Mr. Kennedy said: "In
the veara lkQl 1KQ nA 1002 'TjI
erage of 2,242 miles of Burlington
railroad In Nebraska earned1 $8,011,
308.37 net. after navim all legitimate
operating expenses, repairs, better
ments ana taxes, to say nothing of
lobbyist eXDenses. This was nhsn-
lutely clear profit to be devoted to
paying interest on bonds and divi
dends. It amounts to $3,572.27 net for
every mile of Burlington line in Ne
braska.'; At that time, on this show
ing, the maximum freight rate law
was. held in conflict with the four
teenth amendment.
"In the years 1899, 1900 and 1901 an
average of 2,275.77 miles of line in
Nebraska, earned $14,331,703.83 net af
ter paying the expenses aforemen
tioned. The increase in mileage was
only 33.13 miles, or about 11-2 per
cent The increase in net earnings was
$6,320,395.46, or 78.89 per cent almost
79 per cent. The earnings per mile of
line were $6,296.64, an increase of $2,
724.37 per, mile over the previous
three-year period, or almost 76 per
cent '.. .
. "In theperiod of 1891-3 every man.
woman and child in Nebraska contri
buted about $8 of the net earnings of
the Burlington-either directly or in
directly. In the period of 1899-1901
this contribution was inrrpaspd tn
about $14 for every man, woman and
cnna an increased tax of $6 each, or
W per year.
"By the aid of juggled figures pre
pared! by a , subservient republican
board of transnortation working fnr
their railroad masters it was as much
as the federal court could do to find its
way clear to hold the law bad at that
ume. let the Burlingtons net earn
ings were only S8.000.00f) in thro
years now they are more than $14,-
A Art I i l Ts. T
vvu.uvu. uoes any reasonable man be
lieve that those rates would be too
low today under the improved con
ditions? -"Other-
roads will show a similar
state of affairs. None but a man wil
fully blinded to conditions can deny
that the railroad earnings have in
creased enormously, both by reason
of increased traffic and by reason of
covertly increased rate.
"Owing to peculiar methods nf rail
road bookkeeping the net earnings by
no means tell the whole story. Oper
ating expenses are now made to cov
er betterments, which were formerly
paia ior oy an issue of bonds. The
Omaha station, for example, was
doubtless paid for out of gross earn
ings. We take the railroad figures,
however, as reported to the state au
ditor, and there is not a particle of
doubt that the rates nresrriherf n tho
maximum rate law are reasonable.
ine Burlington has considerably
less than half of the R.7nn uaa nf
- w ) w v VI
railroad in Nebraska, but if we as
sume its earnings to be half of the to
tal our calculations would be about
like this:
"In 1891-3 every man, woman and
child in Nebraska contributed $16 to
railroad net earnings say $5 a year
for convenience. In 1899-1901 this
contribution rose to nearly $29. hut.
call it $9 a year to be conservative.
"Twenty-flve dollars a year for the
head of the family then $45 now."
The republican railroad members
made no effort to answer this speech.
They sneered and ridiculed and com
plained, and finally Thompson of Mer
rick moved to lay on the table the mo
tion to advance the bills. On the
motion to table the vote resulted, ayes
sy, nays 47, and it was lost Thirty
nine republicans voted ave and twen
ty-seven republicans and twenty fu-
sionists nay. Tne vote was as fol
lows: Ayes Bacon, Bartoo. Belden, Bur
gess, Cassell, Christy, Coats, Cravens,
Cropsey, Currie, Deles-Dernier, Det
rick, Douglas, Ferrar, Ford, Gilbert,
Good, Hanha, Harmon, Hathorne,
Herron, Jones of Otoe, Jouvenat,
Kerns. McAllister, Mendenhall, Mors
man, Nelson of Pierce, Ribble, Rob
bins, Roberts, Sadler, Shelly, Smith,
Spurlock, Stetson, Thompson, Wilson,
Mr. Speaker 39, all republicans.
Nays Republicans, Anderson of
Knox, Atwood, Caldwell, Fishback,
Copsey, Cunningham, Davis, Gregg,
Harrison, Hogrefe, Hunter, Jahnel,
Jones of Richardson, Knox, Koetter,
Mangold, " Meredith, Nelson of Doug
las, Perry, Ramsey, Reed, Rouse,
Spier, Sweezy, Ten Eyck, Warner,
Weborg 27. Fusionists, Anderson of
Kearney, Becher, Eggenberger, Fel
lers, Fries, Gishwiller, Hoy, Johnson,
Kaveny, Kennedy, Kittell, Loomis,
McCulloch, Memminger, Mikesell,
Shipley, Startzer, Thorpe, Trask, War
ing 20. Total nays, 47.
Absent and not voting Republicans,
Anderson of Hamilton, Friedrich, Gel-
wick, Holliet, Junkin, McClay, Mc-
Lain, Riggs, Sears 9. Fusionists,
Dobry, Shinstock, Tooley, Vlasak 4.
lotal absent and not voting, 13.
- By the time the vote was taken on
Kennedy's motion to advance the bills
the railroad lobby had whipped many
bleeding and braised republican mem
bers into line. In consequence there
were but thirty-nine votes to advance,
while there were forty-seven in op
position. The republicans who had
b:on prevailed upon to flop and vote
with the railroads the second time,
after having voted against them the
first, were Atwood of Seward, Cun
ningham of Hamilton, Hogrefe of
Richardson, Hunter of Webster, Jones
of Richardson, Mangold of Douglas
and Ramsey and Spier of Gage. Rouse
of Hall, after having led a great light
for the Kennedy bills, and having
voted right on the first vote, ignomin
iously dodged on the second. Riggs of
Douglas, who had been absent on the
first vote, arrived in time to line up
against the railroads on . the second
vote.
The fusionists who were present
voted solidly for the bills both times.
Of the absentees Dobry and Vlasak
had been excused; Shinstock and Too
ley must find another excuse.
The republicans who voted on both
roll calls for the Kennedy bills are
these:
Anderson of Knox, Caldwell of Clay,
Copsey of Custer, Davis of Buffalo,
Fishback of Clay, Gregg of Wayne,
Harrison and Jahnel of Washington,
Knox of Buffalo, Koetter of Douglas,
Perry of Furnas, Reed of Johnson,
Riggs of Douglas, Sweezy of Webster,
Ten Eyck of Douglas, Warner of Lan
caster and Weborg of Thurston.
They Never Learn
A giant? Yes. With all a giant's
force
And all a giant's patience in its use.
With toil-bent form he takes his plod
ding course,
An object of coercion and abuse.
He never thinks his Titan strength
to loose .
On those who drive him; but reserves
it all
To bear the world's great burdens;
to produce
At the behest of his oppressors small.
He might be master, yet continues as
' a thrall.
He is a social outcast, being po'or;
Too humbled to proclaim his real
worth,
A sense of servitude he must endure
From those of wealth and so-called
gentle birth;
And yet he makes the wealth of all
the earth;
The palace builds to beg before its
gates; '
He lives in want and suffers from
the dearth
Of wealth and plenty he himself cre
ates. He meekly bears it all and blames it
to tie fates.
He makes the mountain yield her store
of gold,
And yet its blessings are to him un
known, He fills the land with bounties mani
fold, Yet others reap the harvests he has
sown.
He, through his toil and industry
alone,
The wilderness into a garden turns;
Yet others take the fruitage for their
own.
Greed beats him down and filches
what he earns.
He feels the wrong, but still the les
son never learns.
J. A. Edgerton.
History and Suggestions
Editor Independent: What has be
come of the populist party, and what
is the cause that she has come to the
point where she is today? In all his
tory of the United States, there never
has been a new party started that
elected one presidential efectorjn her
first campaign, till in 1892, it&m -e
populist party put their ticket sioJe
field. We came out of that camtTN
with seven states and ne fronrC.
gon, or zz electoral voj-V; iectoft ma
jorities to the legist
ernors in some of thir
congressmen and se:
the controlling power in
-ro .uw yov-
tied
fl J
and I think we should have been satis
fied with the result and kept up the
battle single handed. I believe to
day she would be the first or at least
the second party; but when it came to
1894 it started fusion in the north
with the democratic, and in the south
with the republican party, then In
1896, they nominated Bryan and Wat
son. After the republican party split
up, and also the democratic party, one
wing of the democratic and the sil
ver republicans nominated Bryan, but
not Watson; then the populist party
split in two and wc had two populist
parties. -
I for my part never believed tha.
the democratic Dartv could be re
formed, but I did stay with the pop
ulist party and voted for Bryan. Then
in 1900 the sold democrats o? the re-
organizers got control in most of the
states and repudiated the Chicago and
Kansas City platforms and at last
when the plutocrats got about that
Bryan would be elected, they trotted
out Grover Cleveland to make that lit
tle speech on that old fraud, tariff,
which I believe was one of the causes
that drove the most of the populists
back in the republican party. Every
body must admit that in '92 the .most
strength of the people's party came
from the republican and socialist par
ties. There must have been something ,
wrong with the populist party in
those states where they had control
of state government or they would
not have lost about, every state and
will not be represented in the next
congress and senate. , But it is no use
to cry over the mistake that has been
made; the question is, what should
I done now, and so I will try to ex
plain what I think.
If you look over the platform of all
the reform parties, there is very lktle
difference, and if they expect to ac
complish anything they should come
together and see if they could agree .
on a platform and . fight the battle "
together under one banner. Suppose
the St. Louis fair starts in April,
there should be a conference called,
say at St. Louis, Chicago, Omaha,
Kansas City, or some other city not
too far from St Louis, as the railroad
will give reduced rates. The populist,
socialist, social democrats, social la
bor, union reform prohibition, woman
suffrage, single taxers, also the so
called Bryan democrats, the dissatis
fied republicans and all the silver un
ions should send delegations to that
conference and see if they cannot
agree on some basis and start a new,
party, and agree on a name for the
new party; also on the representation
to the national convention and the
date and place to be held.
But the convention should be heM
early in 1904, before the republican
and reorganizer democrats' conven
tion. The same should be done in
al the state an4 county conventions
and try to agree on a platform and
every one should roll up his sleeves
and work for it to win. I think the
main plank should be the initiative
and referendum as an amendment to
the constitution. If that would be
adopted every reform could be gotten,
but not as it is today. We send con
gressmen and senators to Washington
but what are they doing? Nothing for
the producers, but everything for th?
plutocrats. There should be a plank
for government ownership of rail
roads, telegraphs, telephone, and coal
mines; that would do more than all
the trust remedies advocated by the
republican and democratic parties
The money should be issued by the
government, whether gold, silver or
paper, and not through the banks, as
it is now done. The president, vice
president, senators and supreme ,
judges should be elected by dire
vote. Postal savings banks should
be established; but the initiative and
leferendum should be the main issue.
Jw my pa would be satisfied if
and tW thiDg else in the Platform
and I think every true reformer has
f admit and agree to it Now I wouM
like to hear from some more able
thinkers and writers , w
sitions through lie Indei
n x, AUGUST UHDE.
Curtis Bay, Md.
Chas. M. Bowen, Soldiers' Home
Mich.: Can it be possible that the
"reorganizes" will buy or capture the
next Nebraska delegation to the "emo!
cratic convention? It does seem as if
Bryan could control it If not I am
a populist hereafter. The Indepen
dent is the very best paper in tfr
world. (It is hardly likely that the
"reorganizes" understand the task
they have in Nebraska; at the same
time the Bryan democrats must not
be too confident Eternal vigilance
is the price of liberty. Associate Editor.)
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