THE NEBRASKA INDEPENDENT.
MARCH 191003.
'. HOBE SENTISEL SQUEAIO
$Utf& Dmrtl Fpr In Iadlanftpo-
.11$ Worried Oyer Mr. Van Yrbl
Kipoturi
The communication from Hon.
Flavius J. Van Vorhls, -published in
The Independent of March 5, under
caption of "The Sentinel Squeals,"
has called forth a column editorial
from Mr. Morss, editor of the Indian
apolis Sentinel a pretended demo
cratic sheet
Under the heading, "Another
'Mare's Nest," Mr. Morss attempts to
be funny by saying that "the irrepres
sible Flavius Josephus Van Verbis,
who seems to have engaged himself
to Mark Hanna to do what little he
can to divide and demoralize the dem
ocratic party of Indiana so as to keep
smooth sailing in this state for the
party of the trusts, writes ... a long
letter from which we extract the fol
lowing:" (Here quoting the part
showing Mr. Morss connection with
the National Economic League.)
"This is one of the mare's nests which
Flavius Josephus Van Vorhls is al
ways discovering in his persistent ef
forts to stir up trouble in the demo
cratic party for the benefit of the
Mark Hanna plutocracy."
And then follows copy of a letter
from S. B. Dutcher, chairman of the
National Economic League, to Mr.
S. E. Morss, inviting Mr. Morss to be
come one of the league's "editorial as
sociates and contributors;" and copy
of Mr. Morss' reply, stating .that he
should be "very happy to become a
member" if it .were the purpose of the
league to oppose all forms of social
ism, "Including that which tends to
build up special interests by a sys
tem of bounties or subsidies, and
taxes for the benefit. of .private, indus
tries." Mr. Van Vorhis now calls attention
to some further facts which will keep
the Sentinel explaining for some time
to come:
Editor Independent: The Sentinel's
explanation of the relation of its chief
editor with republican politicians, cor
poration officials and tvust magnates,
admitted in its editorial, must have
required an expenditure of brain tis
sue that left its editorial department
In a state of mental exhaustion. The
sarcasm attempted by. a consumption
of space 'to print my name in full
was, no doubt, a dangerous strain up
on its editorial nerve centers. The
morbid play of editorial imagination
that could make it possible to suppose
a Bryan democrat or a Lincoln repub
lican "to have engaged himself to
Mark Hanna" suggests that the edi
torial chief . has hallucinations that
may make it necessary for him to
take another health trip to the Pa
cific coast by the way of Saratoga
Springs, N. Y.
The childish simplicity of the letter
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to Chairman Dutcher, president of
the Hamilton Trust company; and the
confidence implied that Steward L.
Woodford, Lyman J. ' Gage, Henry
Clews, Kuhn, Loeb & Co., and a long
list of trust officials, railroad- corpora
tions, and republican politicians, with
a sprinkling of clerical worshipers of
wealth, had in the spirit of purely dis
interested and unselfish philanthropy
and patriotism organized an "economic
league" to engage "in an Impartial
non-political movement" suggests that
the Sentinel's chief- editor - is fast
lapsing into a condition of political
dementia. If moral deficiency is ex:
eluded, the almost incoherent reck
lessness of the statements made in
the editorial is sufficiently indicative
of mental defectiveness to Justify un
easiness on the part of his political
friends, It is singular that Mr. Morss
knows so "precious little" about this
so-called "economic league." It is
surprising that he had no , suspicion
of the character of this organization
when he read the names of the "exe
cutive committee" of this league, and
of the "contributors and indorsers
on the letter-head he received. If the
thp. letter dated
November 29, 1902, created no doubts
in his mind, it is very remarKaii
that, when he read in the very first
sentence of that letter the declared
purpose
t "To instruct the people that, if
we are to continue to lead in the
world's industries and keep Am
erican labor and capital remuner
atively employed, it must be
through the organization of in
dustries into large units, di
rected by the best talent,"
it never occured to him that "the r
.votinn nf industries into large
gttUiUkUUU v ,,
units, directed by the best talent
meant the organization oi irusu. w ue
controlled by trust magnates.
What transparent nonsense it Is for
the Sentinel,-in the face of the facts
disclosed In its own editorial, and the
clear proof of its chief editor's al
liance with and approval of this as
sociation of republican politicians,
trust officials, and trust supporters, to
otfemnt thp. "st.oD thief" dodge.
It will not work this time. It can
not make anybody believe tnat wis
so-called association is a hoax by
calling it a '.'mare's nest" It has been
caught in the act, and it cannot es
cape the just condemnation of the
voters of Indiana by pointing its trust
stained fingers at some one else. Its
pretended opposition to trusts is on
a par in the market of sincerity with
its support of the national democratic
ticket in the last campaigns.
Mr. Morss, it must be remembered,
is not only a member of this trust
association of republican politicians
and democratic reorganizers, by his
own confession, but a member of its
press committee. He became such in
answer to a letter, which declared the
purpose to advocate the organization
of industries into "large units."
During the latter half of January a
letter, on a letter-head upon which
Mr. Morss' name had been placed by
his authority, was sent out and signed
by A. H. Mattox, editorial manager
National Economic League, 13 Astor
Place, New York, and in which occurs
this sentence:
"Only by the literature that was
sent out by the republican party
and auxiliary organizations, edu
cating them to the dangei of the
election of Mr. Bryan, was the
country saved from that disaster."
And yet Mr. Morss would have the
readers of the Sentinel believe that he
was deceived by the audacious asser
tion in the letter to him that this
"Trusts' Economic League" was "an
impartial, non-political movement."
Simple-minded, unsuspicious Sammy!
It is not disclosed just what the
editorial manager, of this league
meant by "auxiliary organizations" to
the- republican party, but there were
more of them in this state in 1 900
than appeared on the surface or by
name. The democratic voters, and
other supporters of Mr. Bryan in 1900,
had a right to rely on the democratic
state committee not being one of
them, but, if the Sentinel and other
influences that controlled this com
mittee wanted to elect the ticket
which they pretended to be support
ing, is there any reason, that can be
imagined, why they never lost any
opportunity to treat with discourtesy,
to the point of actual insult, the vot
ers outside the party who wanted to
help them? Can there be any reason
given for the fact that many of the
most prominent and truest men in
the party were persona non grata at
the democratic state committee rooms?
If there was any doubt about the
real wishes of the Sentinel, the chief
editor allowing his name to be placed
as an associate editor of this organi
zation, and an indorser of the dec
laration that the country was saved
"from the disaster" of Bryan's elec
tion by the republican" party and
"auxiliary organizations" discloses the
whole truth. ...... v
When a republican governor, before
the sun has set twice on the election,
announced his purpose to appoint the
chairman of the democratic state com
mittee to a lucrative office, and that
office was eagerly accepted, the Senti
nel had not one word to say about the
impropriety and inconsistency of such
acceptance, but left the public to con
clude that the . republican party, at
least, knew how to take care of its
auxiliaries.
I care very little what the Sentinel
thinks of my knowledge of democratic
principles. One thing is certain: if
I had depended upon it for informa
tion, I should have known far less
than I do. The Sentinel has said
some very flattering things about me
-Un the past, but I did not get much
puffed up over it, because I knew it
was no more sincere in that than It
was in its support of Bryan, or in its
present opposition to trusts. It said
this when it thought it was possible
to' string me upon the tail to its po
litical kite. ,
FLAVIUS J. VAN VORHIS.
Indianapolis, Ind.
As to Baby Rattles
Editor Independent: I have re
ceived two copies past my limit (Feb
ruary 19), so please find 10 cents in
silver and cut me off.
There is, in my opinion, nothing
more pathetically silly and childish
than the continued faith of the pop
ulist in his ability to do something.
And the incessant bleat of the pop
ulistic sheep in process of Incessant
shearing would be piteous if it were
not ridiculous. The only place for
a sincere and sensible populist is in
the ranks of the socialist party the
party that proposes to take the gov
ernment and run it in the interests of
the producer. When the next crisis
comes, many a farmer will get his
eyes opened and find out where he is
"at" Until then I wish you joy with
your little baby rattle.
J. H. STEFFEE.
Macon, Ga,
(Many thinks for .good wishes. In
return, permit The Independent to say
that, in its opinion, there is nothing
more "pathetically silly and childish"
than the antics of the man with a
formula the political Procrustes who
expects to fit every sort of production
to his particular iron bed. Granted
that the Marxist theory of "surplus
value" be true; granted that the cap
italist employer buys labor-power at
cost of production, uses it up, and
sells it again in a transformed condi
tion for more than he paid for it
and how does that affect the man who
employs himself?
The chief difficulty with Mr. Steffee
and his fellow socialists is in assum
ing that the whole question is re
solved into one of capitalist and la
borer, employer and .employe, robber
and robbed, for all classes and condi
tions of persons. They ignore the
farm problem. They ignore the fact
that there are yet millions of farm
owners who operate their own farms;
who employ themselves and members
of their own family. Where does the
"exploitation" come in in such cases?
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Granted that the census statistics
do show an increase in farm tenantry;,
can it be shown that this resulted
solely on the theory of "surplus val
ue" and "exploitation" of labor? It
is possible to account for part of this
increase when we examine the immi
gration records. Thousands of for
eigners, with but little except stout
hearts and limbs, have come to the
United States and engaged in farm
ing; they have taken the place of the
farmers'- sons who drifted into the
city to be "exploited" in offices, stores
and factories.
It is possible to account for another
part of this increase because of pri
vate ownership in the great means o
distribution the railroads and the
banks of issue. How can the self-employed
farmer be "exploited" at all, if
it must be done according to the "sur
plus value" formula? How many
hours of surplus labor time does he
give to the "boss" and who is his
"boss?"
Granted that there is an irresistible
tendency toward consolidation and
combination in manufacturing, rail
roading, banking, and many lines, it
has not been shown that this applies
to agriculture, or at the most only to
a limited degree. Bonanza farming
seldom pays except in especially fav
ored localities. There is economy in
farmers' co-operative institutions to
handle and market farm products
but not in raising them. The solid,
substantial farmers are those who
1 t I . 1 . lli.il.
nave 1 expiouea very nine jauur ex
cept that of themselves and their own
families.
The socialist program and the sin
gle tax program are both open to the
criticism that they are argued wholly
from the standpoint of the city. The
farmer is a factor that cannot be
ignored in any scheme of reconstruct
ing society. "He is the rock upon
which both socialism and single tax
will go to pieces," as Dr. Englenardt
remarked the other day. German so
cialists have discovered that, and have
had the good sense to modify their
program. American socialists will
discover it So will the single taxers.
Associate Editor.)
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