2
THE NEBRASKA INDEPENDENT , : v . . march 12, i903. .
Q Keystone
When yon buy a watch, first select the work and
&a Uil the jewsier you want a Jas. Boss Stiff
ened Gold Case. To protect yourself from decep
tion be guided by the Key ilouo trade-mark which
you will Hod in every .
mawSi
Better than an all-gold ease becanse stronger;
cheaper becanse no gold to wasted. The Jas. Boss
Case is guaranteed for 26 years. Won't wear thin.
Bend for book.
' The Keystone Witch Cue Comptay, Philadelphia.1
7
meaning they were. intended, to convey.-
- ,;" '" -
Can you truthfully "say that your
club is not a part of the eastern po
litical movement, by which it is in
tended, if possible, to take the public
mind off the financial question? Is it
a. a A. I A. 4.1 i A. - M J
uvi i as -ast ias larger nan oi ine
members of your club, that controls
its action, is in accord in sentiment
with the sentiment of what we usual
ly denominate the "financial inter
ests?" ; '
. You know that, while you may dis
tinguish the members of it by various
political names, there Is practical
unanimity in their desire that the
money question shall not be made
prominent. If this be true, then it
strikes me as little better than a quib
ble when you say that the club is not
Influenced by these sentiments.
You came to Indianapolis and, In a
few hours after you arrived, there was
a banquet at the Grand hotel, the oc
casion of which was your presence.
It Is immaterial who got it up. The
inference is justified by the circum
stances and what occurred that the
purpose of it was to create the impres
sion that the - money question had
ceased to interest the people. You
may not have had any such intention,
but your club was the instrument by
which, through you as its representa
tive, : the attempt was made, as I
stated in . the article. I.said in addi
tion, to what you quote that, "When
the time comes for congressional ac
tion, they (these two clubs) always
pet together. . . as they did when the
Wilson bill was under consideration."
I have been an observer, of the ac
tions of the two classes of influences
represented by the two leagues for a
good many years. I say very deliber
ately and sincerely that the purposes!
or both, judging by what has occurred
in the economic history of the country,
have been almost purely commercial
and pecuniary. "Patriotic duty," no
doubt, controls some, but I am afraid,
if there was nothing nearer or more
personal in interest thin the welfare
of the masses of the. common jjeopia
of the country, It would not take long
to count the active members of either
league. t . , .-
During the only interview I had
with you, while you were in this city,
I was surprised to hear yon state that
you knew very little about the finan
cial question. How are you able, then,
to charge that I am "prejudiced" or
"fanatical" in my, yiews of the ques
tion? The words are, quite familiar
as stock arguments from the mouths
. . . a i i . ...
uuu ucuo ui iucu wuu.na.vts uul iikp
you. admitted their 'want of Informa
tion, hut who nevertheless disclosed
it. . .. ......
You seem to think the league very
broad because it has made; a motto of
Jefferson's words, and applied them
to the one purpose of your league.
The words were not uttered from so
narrow a viewpoint To cramp and
shrivel these immortal words tn m
the dimensions of -how a tariff shall
be applied to imports is not evidence
of a very broad grasp of social and
economic conditions. If is gertainly
not broad enough a grasp to justify
your , league, or any member of it, m
implying that any one, who does not
think that the tariff .question Is all the
question there is in 'American politics,
is possessed of only one idea.
To me nothing seems more "absurd
and ridiculous" than formthe ofllcial
representative of a club that, con
fessedly, has but one Idea, and seeks
to occupy the whole political field
with that idea, to talk about "subserv
ience to a single idea," when some
other question Is forced upon the at
tention. In my judgment, there is
no hope of a correct settlement of the
tariff question In the interest of the
people until the financial question is
adjusted according to correct econ
omic principles.
I suggest, therefore, that those of
your league, who are actuated by ideas
of "patriotic duty," give a little time
and study to the money question, so
that they may be able to understand
how the question is related to tho-
question of foreign trade and duties
on Imports. When they do, they may
be able to see that my opinion of the
protective tariff league of New York
and the American free trade league
of Boston is not without foundation
in facts. agree with you (no dif
ference what may be correct in prin
ciple concerning protection and free
trade) that a tariff now, for any oth
er purpose than revenue, is robbery.
But must I shut my mouth about ev
erything else? Must I allow myself to
be humbugged and deceived by a fight
over this question to the exclusion of
every other question? 1 confess that
I have no longer any patience with
that political insight that is not able
to see that, the tariff question, while
in a certain sense important, is only a
bagatelle in comparison with ques
tions that involve the surrender of
the prerogatives of government to the
control of private' Interests. And I
must be pardoned if I am sometimes
forced to doubt the sincerity of the
devotion to what seems in comparison
so trifling a cause. Sincerely yours,
FLAVIUS J. VAN VORHIS.
Indianapolis, Ind.
, REPUBLICAN TRUST BUSTIK6
The Pirates do aet rear Publicity Hera
Than They Wo aid a Dose of Soothing-
Syrup
A senator recently declared that the
trusts did not fear a publicity bill any
more than they would "a dose ' of
soothing syrup." This is true, and
more than true. The publicity meas
ure has been admitted by many news
papers, without regard to partisan
alignment, to be as mild and milky
as the trusts could desire. All the
publicity provided for in the Nelson
amendment, which is a law, is the re
quirement that the chief clerk and
secretary of the new department of
commerce "make diligent investiga
tion into the organization, conduct and
management of the business of any
corporation engaged in commerce
among the several states."
The spectacle of tne secretary and
his clerks patiently and laboriously
making diligent investigations into the
carefully prepared books of the com
bines, while the suffering public
stands helplessly by with the trusts
plundering its pockets, is Indeed a
striking one.
The measure provides, that this in
formation, when finally' gathered, will
be presented to the president, who in
turn shall examine It, and who may
then make suggestions to. congress to
legislate away, any, evils which the
facts show to exist. The information
so collected shall be made public only
if the president wishes to give it out,
and under the amendment a president
friendly to the trusts could suppress
it all.
This, then, is the much heralded
publicity. The clerk of the new de
partment of commerce, Mr. James R.
Garfield, will collect the information,
or whatever he can obtain, from the
unwilling trusts; he will then give it
to Secretary Cortelyou, who will in
turn hand it over to President Roose
velt, who can examine and suppress it,
or publish it, and make recommenda
tions to congress for legislation. This
is a long and devious course to find
out something that the whole country
knows about and to inform congress
of how the trusts are robbing the peo
ple. It will take some astonishing
mental Juggling for campaigners , to
convince the people that there is any
thing to trouble the trusts, in such a
program. Denver News.
"THE SPARTAN IDEAL
';:.L;;v.''"v -. ' v.
Mr. Sampsoa' Criticises lresideat Ileote
Telt's Letter to Mrs. Vaa Terst-The
Qttss'tloaef Motherheed '
Editor Independent: In the papers
of February 12 appeared a letter from
President . Roosevelt to a Mrs. Van
Vorst, published as the preface of her
book 4 entitled,- "The Woman; Who
Toils.'!. , , ; - - - - '
The letter is characteristic as illus
trative of the chief executive's strcs
uousness. With such strenuousness
the undersigned has no quarrel be
yond the observation that undue stren
uousness is admittedly a chief evil of
American individual life, and that na
tional strenuousness is sweeping the
republic into the maelstrom of em
pire. ,. .: ...... .
Nor does the writer fail to appre
ciate the several -manly virtues incul
cated by the president, and his state
ment that the most valuable posses
sion in life are those that cost ef
fort .-. :, !.
But the chief executive's ideal is
evidently the Spartan Ideal an ideal
worthy to a limited extent, but whose
comparative value for individual and
national life may be determined by
the fact that, while Sparta is but a
name, Athens, which stood for a dif
ferent and broader ideal, has been a
power in civilization for twentv cen-
.turies, and will continue to be a
world power, . in the best sense, so
long as the race shall endure. - ,
It is chiefly with the president's
conception of parenthood that the
writer is compelled to differ. Large
families of healthy children appears
to be his. domestic ideal. The trouble
here Is similar to the trouble with
the chief executive's conceDtion of our
national life, involving the sacrifice
of American ideals to territorial ag
grandizement "namely, the subordina
tion of the spiritual to the material.
With "the president, quantity seems to
be the chief consideration. Quality is
comparatively unimportant
As for health, the writer would per
haps go further than the chief execu
tive, and advocate the prohibition of
marriages likely to result in un
healthy children, with drastic penal
ties for illegitimacy. - But on the oth-
et hand, the question of family size
is not properly a health question at
all. The, ability to have a large fam
ily, of healthy children involves no
obligation whatever to have such a
family. Man is more, infinitely; more,
than an animal. In this supreme- con
cern, character, education. ooDortun-
ity, should be the controlling determi
nants. .. The larger the family, the
less opportunity there is to mould
the character of each child, the less
opportunity to educate it broadly, the
less opportunity has each child for
self-development and a life of high
service to his fellow-men. And. as
Emerson says, "America is but an
other name for opportunity." But the
president would abridge this priceless
heritage of the American citizen.
To subordinate character, education,
opportunity the highest interests of
life to sensual gratification or the
pride of numbers--this is to commit.
an unspeakable wickedness. To bring
into being an Immortal soul without
its God-given riKht to the best nos-
sible inheritance, not onlv nhvslraiiv.
but also intellectually, morally, and
spiritually this is the great crime
against society. To be well born is the
fundamental right of every hild of
God, and to the neglect of this right
are chiefly attributable the evils of
tne social state.
But perhaps the swarms of healthv
children, the swarms of healthy men
ana women, in an tne great centers of
population, whose reformation defies
the charitable Instrumentalities of so
ciety, afford the best practical com
mentary on the chief executive's doc
trine. As for the race-suicide, complete or
partial, which the president deems the
greatest of possible national evils, it
would seem more practical, in view
of the steadily increasing population
the world over, to ponder the problem
of poverty the poverty that ever in
creases with so-called "progress," the
poverty that is chiefly attributable to
over-population.
Nor can the writer Indorse without
qualification the chief magistrate's as
sertion that "the greatest thing for
any woman is to be a good wife and
mother." As a general proposition it
might be true, were society differently
constituted. But so long as church
and state subordinate women in the
domestic relations, so long as a com
paratively low estimate of woman and
her mission prevails, she is quite as
likely to achieve her greatest develop
ment and usefulness outside of mar
riage as in it The error of the presi
dent is here again a fundamental er
ror, namely, that women exist pri
marily to advance the comfort and
pleasure of men. The truth is, that
women exist no more for men than
men' exist for women.'' The ministry J
of the sexes to each other should bo
of mutual dignity and importance; or.
If there Is any difference, the order
of creation would suggest that em
phasis be placed on the service ren
dered by men to women.
It is no more woman's mission to be
good wives and mothers than it is
men's mission to be good husbands
and fathers. The chief object of mar
riage is conceived to be the develop
ment of character through the recip
rocal influences of the .sexes in this
most' intimate of relations. The rear
ing of children always falls heavier on
the mother than on the father, and a
large family almost certainly proves
an embargo on the mother's personal
development the development which
should : zealously be guarded, as her.
most sacred trust. Parenthood should .
be distinctly incidental to marriage
important but subordinate to life's
supreme object, the development of
character. To be a wife and mother
may be a blessing to all concerned.
Too often it is a dire eviL And to be
a good wife and mother, one must first
be what is greater than, either a roy
al woman. Only -as she is such,
should she accept the sacred respon
sibilities of wifehood and motherhood.
JOHN SAMPSON. .
2420 14th street, N. W Washing-
ton, D. C.
Predicts Political Revolution.
-At the recent convention of the
West Virginia state grange, a resolu
tion indorsing the optional referendum
and direct Initiative in governmental
affairs was unanimously adopted. This
is the eighth state grange that has
declared for majority rule six hav
ing made the declaration since Decem
ber 1. (
- In reporting the action of the West
Virginia grange, the master, T. C.
Atkeson, dean of the college of agri
culture in the state university, says:'
"Evidently, the referendum idea is
growing in this country. A political
revolution of some kind is not very
far in the future. Just what form it
.will take it is now impossible to say."
The growing movement for an in
crease of power in the people through
the right to a direct ballot is an in
dication of the . prpbable character of
the revolution. It can be installed in
national affairs through rules of pro
cedure, and therefore can be provided
for in the election of next year if a
majority of the ; congressmen, , are
pledged and a majority of. the senators
are strongly instructed.1 V The Declar
ation of Independence was the result
of instructions, and it " is quite prob
able . that the final chapter in the
change to majority rule will be . se
cured by instructions. ; ,
Let us make the Independent School
of Political Economy a great body of
truly educated men and women, and
thus counteract the evil being done bv
the National Economic League, with
its plutocratic college presidents, trust
magnates, and Grover Clevelands. ;
Dn Shoop's
Rheumatic Cure
Costs Nothing If It Fails.
After 2,000 experiments, I hafe
learned how to cure Rheumatism. Not
to turn bony joints into flesh again;
that is impossible. But I can cure the
disease always, at any stage, and forever.
I ask for no money. 'Simply write
me a postal and I will send you an or
der on your, nearest aruggist tor six
bottles Dr. Shoon's Kheumati finre.
for every druggist keeps it Use it
for a month and, if it succeeds, the
cost is only 5.50. If it fails, I will
pay the druggist myself. , .
I have no sam; es, because any med
icine ; that can affec"' Rheumatism
quickly must be drugged to the verge
of danger. I use no such drugs, and
it is folly to take them. You must
get the disease out of the blood.
My remedy does that, even in the
most .difficult obstinate cases. No
matter how Impossible this seems to
you, I know it and take the risk. I
have cured tens of thousands of case3
in this way, and my records show that
39 out of 40 who get six' bottles pay
gladly. I have learned that people In
general are honest with' a physician
who cures them. That is all I ask.
If I fail I don't expect a penny from
you. m
' Simply write me a postal card or a
letter. ; I will send you my book about
Rheumatism, and an order for the
medicine. Take it for a month, as it
wonY-harm you anyway. If it fails,
it is . free, and I leave 1 tLa ' decision
with you. Address Dr., Snoop, Box 940
Racine, Wis. ; '
Mild cases, not chronic, are often
cured by one or two bottles. At all
druggists.