FEBRUARY 26, 1903.
THE NEBRASKA INDEPENDENT.
-
is produced is locally known as An
thracite and all over those" nine coun
ties the same horrible conditions ex
ist. After giving the official figures
of these classified as slate-pickers,
door-boys, drivers and runners, he
says: "In other words, a total of
24,023, or nearly one-sixth of all the
employes of the anthracite coal mines
are children." The condition among
the girls who work in the silk and
other mills is the same.
These conditions in those nine coun
ties in Pennsylvania, and in some
other parts of this republic, robs life
of half of its pleasures to all those
who have any of the milk of human
kindness left in th-em, because it is
impossible not to think about them.
And how little can any of us do to re
lieve these' little ones a long as
Mammon is enthroned and to whose
priests, the "captains of industry,"
the whole nation bows down and wor
ships.
MOB LAW
A subscriber down at Dunbar, Neb.,
writes: "Wish you would write up
an article in favor of mob law. I had
a debate on this question last Friday
and there was some mistake in the de
cision of the judges, so we are going
to have it over again."
Sorry we can't oblige our esteemed
subscriber but he's, surely on the
wrong side. Mob law is simply a form
of anarchy or "no law," and that
The Independent has been fighting for
years. There is no valid defence of
mob law although it might in debate
be skilfully defended by a smooth
talking debater. Resort to mob vio
lence is a tacit confession that the
government is unable to enforce its
laws.
True there are numerous instances
which at first glance would seem to
justify mob law. If a secretary of the
treasury can save congress the trouble
of amending the national bank laws
with respect to deposits of government
money, or the postmaster general
make postal regulations which con
gress never dreamed of making into
law, why can't a dozen or twenty men
take out and hang a criminal?
One wrong doesn't justify another.
Besides,' those who participate in a
mob are more injured- than the vic
tim. It isn't the ' physical suf
fering of a negro rapist who is burnt
at the stake, which we should consid
erbut the moral degredation brought
upon those who participate in burn
ing him. He ought to die no one dis
putes that, except a few who denounce
capital punishment; but his life should
be taken only after he has had a fair
trial. This he cannot have at the
hands of a mob, because mobs are
swayed by passion and not by reason.
If mob law is so efficacious for some
things, why not adopt it for all gov
ernment purposes and save the ex
pensive machinery? Happy condition!
No taxes to pay, no court houses to
build, no officers to support. Every
man would be a law unto himself un
til something outrageous enough oc
curred to cause a mob to collect; then
justice would be done and no more
expense until the next time!
A SURPRISING FACT
During the past year The Indepen
dent has been burdened with unusual
and exceptionally heavy expense on
account of the construction of our new
home, Liberty Building. It was pos
sible only through the loyal support
of our readers in all parts of the
country. They responded generously
and assisted in the sale of Liberty
Building subscriptions in almost ev
ery locality. To all those who as
sisted, The Independent is deeply in
debted. It is a surprising fact, how
ever, that those who are delinquent
for subscription have given but little
attention to our requests for prompt
payment under the circumstances. We
have sent bills for subscription to
those whose accounts are past due
and a letter explaining the need , of
funds to settle outstanding balances
for materials used. Only a few seem
to have taken the request seriously.
Several thousand ignored the bill and
letter entirely. We hope this reminder
will be, sufficient and that it will not
be necessary to send another bill and
letter to those who are delinquent.
NATIONAL ECONOMIC LF.AGUK
Those college presidents, trust
magnates and preachers who compose
the "board of editorial associates" of
the National Economic league (men
tion of which was made in The Inde
pendent of February 5) have given
their first publication to an anxiously
waiting public, hungry to feast on the
crumbs swept from the table of plu
tocracy. I
It is called, "Education, State So
cialism and the Trust." Its author,
one Freeman Otis Willey, lives in East
Orange, in the trust . manufacturing
state of New Jersey, and even a cur
sory reading of his screed would indi
cate that he needs considerable "edu
cation" before he knows socialism,
even if he should meet it on a New
Jersey highway. For example, he
points out the Missouri anti-department
store lawas a step in "state
socialism."
The Independent will later review
this maiden effort of the National
Economic league to ''educate" the Am
erican people on economic questions,
but at present will content itself by
quoting one paragraph from Mr. Wil
ley 's profound philosophy:
"Let it be borne in mind that
every man buys as much as he
sells. Therefore, what would it
avail Havemeyer, for example, to
get 10 per cent more for his su
gar if he is obliged to pay 10 per .
cent more for everything he
buys?"
Yes, what, indeed! A ten per cent,
increase in the price of a million tons
of sugar would simply be used up in
paying the ten per. cent increase Mr.
Havemeyer. would pay for toothpicks,
ice, neckties, porterhouse steak, .an
thracite, and kerosene. The proposi
tion, is so fundamental that the aston
ishing feature is that none of those
great college presidents, trust mag
nates and preachers ever discovered it
before! All hail the National Eco
nomic league and its educational cam
paign. " Give us more Freeman Otis
Willeys. "
TRUST liUSTERS
That coal famine business has
turned out just as The Independent
said all the time, that is, there was no
famine at all. The roads that bring
bituminous coal to Chicago, as the
official returns just published show,
brought to that city during November,
December and January, S2 per cent
more coal than they did for those
months the year before. The account
for the roads bringing anthracite coal
for those months for the two years
is as follows:
1901-2. 1902-3.
Anthracite, lbs. . .29,847,000 7,460,000
Bituminous lbs. . .73,228,300 20,740,000
The shortage in anthracite was a
great deal more than made up by the
increased shipment of bituminous
coal. That the price of coal was more
than doubled, that there was great
suffering and many deaths among th
poor on account of the extortionate
price, is not denied, but the republi
can attorney general of the state of
Illinois has come to the conclusion
that there was no violation of the
anti-trust act and has withdrawn the
charge. The posing of federal and
state republican attorneys as "trust
busters" is somewhat ridiculous.
IIANXA'S MORMON DEAL
The Mormon apostle, Smoot, started
last week for Washington to file his
credentials and to take his seat on the
4th of March if there is an extra
session of the senate. In speaking of
politics in Utah, the Denver News remarks:
"The choice of Reed Smoot for
United States senator by the re
publicans of Utah recalls the
changes of politics which have ,
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OTHER OFFICES.
Caixmet, Mich., 115 Fifth St. Doiutu, Minn., 1C5 Palladio Bldjf.
Nki.bon, B. C. Salmon, Idaho. Cambohwi, B. C.
marked the history of that stale.
In 1895 the republicans carried it
and elected their governor by 2,
300 majority. The next year it
went democratic by P.1,00. In
1898 the democratic plurality in
the state was 5,000. and in 1900
Utah went republican by 2,000,
and in 1902 by 5,000. After March
4, 1903, the Utah representation
In congress will be solidly repub
lican, due to the deal between that
party and the heada of the Mor
mon church."
The "deal" to which the News re
fers was made known to the readers
of The Independent at the time it was
made and all the details concerning it
published in these columns. Nothing
pastier ever occurred in American
politics.
If the tales told in London and
sometimes printed in the English
newspapers are true, the most de
spicable set of thieves in all the king
dom are the aristocrats who attend
the court functions. They steel opera
cloaks, wraps, diamonds, pearls and
handkerchiefs from one another so fre
quently that it has become a national
scandal.
The suggestion of Mr. Long that the
opposition to plutocracy might be en
rolled under the name, Common Party,
is worth considering. In one sense
there is nothing in a name; in an
other, there is very much. The name,
people's party, is a disadvantage when
it comes to designating one of its
members. "I am a republican," says
the member of the republican organi
zation; but the member of the people'3
party is obliged to say, "I am a pop
ulist," a name first coined by pluto
crats as a badge of discredit. "I am
a commoner," would express much.
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