The independent. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1902-1907, February 19, 1903, Page 8, Image 8
8 THE NEBRASKA INDEPENDENT. FEBRUARY 19, 1903. the Uebraska Independent Lincoln, Utbraska. , LIBERTY BUILDING. , 1328 0 STREET Entered according to Act of Congress of March j, 1S79, at the Tosloffice at Lincoln, Nebraska, as second-clars mail matter. " PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY. - . FOURTEENTH YEiE $1.00 PER YEAR . When making reniittani da not . leave money wilh new agencies, postmaster, etc , to be forwarded by them. They frequently forget or remit .1 different amount than wai left" with theiu, and the subscriber fails to get p;orei credit. . Add.-ess all communication, and make all iitiU, money order, etc., payable to the Jlebmaka Independent, '' "" " Lincoln, Neb. Anonymous communications will not be noticed. Rejected manuscript will not be returned. TO CORRESPONDENTS. The assocate editor has more than a bushel of letters claiming his at tention. Practically all of them are ; worthy of publication, but it is a phy sical impossibility to publish' half of r them even in the near future without ' cutting them down. This of itself is no child's play. Be as patient as you ran. The Independent has no inten tion to slisht anv of its readersand everybody from the editor-in-chief to the office bov is worMng his "best licks" to make the paper better ev ery week. By the way. how would it. . be for you to send for a book of re crultlnr!; coupons? It. cots vou noth ing ;to try and everv recruit added now is tht much gained for the bat tle in 1904. Dr. M. J. Gahan of Omaha is said to have invented an artificial coal, which can be retail"! at about $5 per ton. of greater heqtjng capacity than Penn sylvania antbroc'te. The American Ptandnrd of Frank fort. Ind. is a democratic newspaper and aggressive in its fight against the : uiuuh.th.uc ueuiir lata. Oen. James B. Weaver of Iowa is . being boomed for democratic nomi- ' 0 - m i . A A TT' lite lUi UVt;iliH ui mat ci.lci iir was the populist candidate for presl dent in 1892. Clarence H. Venner of Boston has begun suit to break up the Rock Isl and railroad's reorganization scheme started last summer. The Rock Isl and management say it is simply a 'hold-up" suit. Several republican stfie legisla tures are passing some laws demand ed in populist platforms, and. resolv ing that United States senators should be elected by the people. No set of political principles ever had such a wonderful growth in the same length of time as those proclaimed at th' Omaha convention. It seems that an income tax is con stitutional in the territory of Hawaii, but not in the United States. The ' United States court of appeals in San Francisco has sustained the Hawaiian" law and in doing so says: "It places the burden of taxation upon the points of strongest resistance, where it is easiest borne." That is pretty good pop doctrine. . The trusts have pushed prices of material up to such an exorbitant point that many of the railroads have ordered work on extensions and bet ' torments stopped, among them the Milwaukee & Alton. The trusts, like the railroads, can take all the traffic will bear, but they can't take any more. There is an inflexible law of counterbalance in the economic world. If prices "rise, wages must rise. When wages' and prices both rise the cost of improvements is so great that it means bankruptcy to go on with them, RAILROAD COURTS Of all the curses that, ever settled down on this country the curse of corporation and ' plutocratic t courts is .the worst " For years an agitation was carried on to compel the railroads to adopt air brakes and automatic cou plers. The movement had the sym pathy and support of the whole pop ulation except those interested in the railroad business, and after years of work such a law was passed. Now the United States court. of appeals steps in and nullifies the law by a declsio'n, the argument sustaining it being so flimsey that it will excite the disgust of any man who read3 it. The courts have held "that it is not necessary to- equip locomotives or ten ders with automatic couplers, because the law does not so specifically pro vide. That a car is not in interstate traffic unless actually in transit in an interstate journey, loaded with inter state commerce, or being actually moved or handled in preparation of an interstate movement In other words, a car having made an interstate jour ney Is not in interstate traffic while being switched unless such switching is In actually preparing an interstate train. That the law does not require that cars shall be equipped with cou plers which will couple automatically with those in use on another road. It is only necessary that car3 shall be equipped with automatic couplers which will couple automatically with their own kind of couplers." This decision practically nullifies the whole law which was the thing aimed at when it was written out. Congress could, of course, in passing the law, deal only with interstate commerce and it is straining the con struction"" the law beyond all rea son to hold that congress intended that each railroad company engaged in interstate commerce could have an automatic coupler of its own which would not couple with the cars of any other road. . Our railroad, courts are a by-word all over Europe. They are a disgrace to civilization- . ;, Such -a law as the one just nulli fied by the'United States courts Is de manded by every impulse of human ity. During the fiscal year ending June 30, .1901, there were 2,675 rail way employes killed and 41,142 wound ed. That equals the killed and wound ed in many of the greatest battles of the civil war. These heartless rail road courts intend that such slaughter shall continue, if by it the railroads can save a-few hundred thousand dol lars by refusing to put automatic couplers and air brakes on their trains. ETHICS AND TAXATION The single tax philosophy, if The Independent rightly grasps it, is based on two fundamental propositions: j Xa) All men have an equal (but not a joint or common) right to the use of land (that is, the earth, including air, light, etc.); and that this right is only limited, as to any individual, by the similar rights of others. From this is deduced the conclusion that equity, morality or ethics does not permit property in land., (b) By reason of this equal right to the use of the earth, limited, of course, by the similar rights of oth ers, each is entitled to the absolute, exclusive, individual ownership and dominion over those things produced by applying his labor-power or en ergy to the land, either directly (as in agriculture and mining) or indi rectly (as in manufacturing and other lines). "To what sort of things," asks Hen ry George in "A Perplexed Philos opher," "does such a right of owner ship rightfully attach? Clearly to things produced by labor, and to no other." (p. 248.) "Organized society," he continues on page 251, "must have revenues; but the natural and proper and ato--quate source of those revenues is not in what justly belongs to individuals, but in what justly belongs id so cietythe value which attaches to land with the growth of society. Let the state take that, and there will be no need for it to violate the right of property by taking what justly belongs to the individual The truth is that customs taxes, and improvement taxes, and INCOME taxes, and taxes on bus iness and occupation and on legacies and successions, are morally and economically no better than highway robbery or burglary. . . . There is no necessity for them. The seeming necessity arises only from the failure of the state to take its own natural and adequate source- of revenue." (p. 283.) No matter upon what the levy of ;axes be assessed, whether upon land values or upon property, the taxes themselves must be paid by a trans fer from the individual to the state of things produced by man. It may be that land values are a better .sub ject for taxation but land values themselves pay no taxes. Men do the paying and pay out of their incomes. The "robbery" Mr. George speaks of is inevitable no matter how the levy is calculated, because each must surr render for the use of government some of the things he has produced or re ceived in" exchange for his produc iions. How the calculation is to be mofe may be fair or unfair, accord ingly as it makes each pay his due propcition or allows some to escape wholly or partially who ought to pay more; but neither land nor land val ues of themselves can be "taken" and used as taxes. Taking "the yalue which attaches to land with the growth of society," Mr. Louis F. Po3t of The Public (Chicago) explains is merely an "elliptical" ex pression. What is meant is that the occupier of land will cheerfully give the taxgatherer products or property equal in value to the economic rent of the land. Society produced the land value upon which is calculated the economic rent and proposes to take for its own use what it produced ; Which being impossible, society com promises by taking as taxes the very things which the Georgian philos ophy declares cannot be taken without committing robbery or burglary. Suppose some calamity befalls the occupier of land and he is unable to deliver to society the equivalent he has promised. Can he be ousted in favor of some person who can pay? Suppose he refuses to pay. Can his goods and chattels be levied upon and taken? Suppose he ignores the "ellip tical" expressions and relies on inter preting words and sentences literally. "I am aware that this land value is $50 per square foot and that society produced it," he might say; "well, let society take it. That is not my af fair. This house -is my property it cannot be taken without "robbing" or "burglarizing" me, and society wouldn't do that. I shall stay right here. I shall not give up any of my income to the tax-gatherer." What would society do? It may be that a tax on land val ues would be more nearly equitable than anything we have tried but the philosophy has too many ellipses for the average man to understand. With out reading into it much that isn't there, there would be no revenues at alk When the bill of that scoundrel Elk ins is closely examined, it' will be seen that it does nothing more than eliminate the imprisonment penalty in the law as it now exists. That is the way the republicans propose to suppress the trusts. Several republican state legisla tures are passing some laws demand ed in populist platforms, and resolv ing that United States- senators should be elected by the people. No set of political principles ever had such a wonderful growth in the same length of time as those proclaimed at the Omaha convention. A QUEER PERFORMANCE One of the Queerest sichts ever seen on this or any other continent was beheld in Omaha last week. In a great public meeting at which the leading citizens of the city took part, the hands and feet of the men these citizens had elected to the legislature were kissed, and such men as Kountze, Yates and Kirkpatrick crawled in the dust on their very stomachs- before them, in pitiful pleas that the mem bers of the legislature would vote for a bill providing for the taxation of railroad property at the same rate that other property is taxed. If these men had voted for the fusion, instead of the railroad candidates, there would have been no necessity for such a per formance. The fusion candidates would have voted for such a bill without the asking. Why did not these men vote for the fusion candidates? Can any man give a reason? Why do such men go to the polls and vote for can didate? they know are nominated and supported by the railroads, and then after election get down and lick the dust from the boots of the men whom they have elected, making piteous ap peals not to compel them to pay the taxes which the railroads ought to pay? Can any man tell why? Why , do these heavy taxpayers ? prefer a railroad, republican government that largely increases the cost of state , J- government and constantly adds to the amount of public debt upon which interest must be paid, to one that de creased tbe cost of government and reduced the state debt? The only reason that The Indepen dent can think of, and that is not a i that that class of men have a fear of the common people. They think that ! if the common people get control of; the government and hold it, that they ' will pass unreasonable - laws and deal unjustly with owners of large amounts ; of property. They have no : facts to ; sustain such a belief. Whenever the I common people have obtained control of government they have always dealt justly with all. ; j . -, . . . , i TEDDY TOO-CREDULOUS The Associated press asserts that the dispatch about the ; Rockefeller . telegrams was submitted to the au thorities at the White house before it was sent out. Teddy doubtless be lieved that those telegrams had been: sent. When Attorney General Knox can fool him so completely as he has done about the trust legislation, It is no wonder that he got fooled by this fake. When Knox told him a year or two ago that there must be a consti tutional amendment before anything nnnirt hA dnno to suonress the trusts, Teddy believed it and began advocat ing such an amendment. When Knox told him that there was no tariff on kerosene oil or anthracite coal, Teddy believed that and so announced in his Cincinnati speech. When Knox told - him that this Elkins bill and the publicity measure would knock the trusts out, he believed that. Teddy is altogether too credulous. All his life he has associated with respectable and honorable men and takes that crowd at Washington to be of that class and believes al that they tell him. INDIRECTION There are earmarks which indicate,, that President Roosevelt and nine of the United States senators have been attempting to play what can be aptly characterized as nothing short of "a schoolboy trick." That Rockefeller telegram incident would be laughable were it not for the fact that serious results are likely to come of it. Be cause of it, some pretended anti-trust legislation will doubtless be enacted, and the day of reckoning be put -off for a few years longer. It looks as though the president himself (yet possibly it may have been Knox) had made all arrangements to have the famous telegram sent: "We are opposed to any anti-trust legislation, Our counsel, Mr.