14
THE NEBRASKA INDEPENDENT.
FEBRUARY 5, 1903.
A
IAMS' October, 1902. importation of black Percberons, BelfitDi and Coacher was the largest
ver made west of the Missouri River. His stallions of biff size, quality, finish and extremely
low pricei are prcfHigiivmn that will make you his hnyer. If you can pay cash or giro bankable
note, you will sure buy stallion of Jams. Only man in the United States that imported only
black or bay stallions. He has just imported
63-STALLIONS-63
Shirpedto New York by fast boat, then by Fargo Express, special train from New York to St
Paul, Nebraska, lams' bijj barus are full of bi?, black, ton stallions. He is just finishing a
new barn 26xlOU feet, lam's horses are the xensation of the town. Visitors throuff his barn and
ray: "Never saw so many hi black stallions togfther:'' "They are larger, bigger bone, more
finish than ever before :" ''But lams is progressive;" "He buys tbena Jatger and bettor each
year;'' "He makes prices that makes the popi buy his horse;" "Jamshaia hufie show
every day, better than State Fairs." He has on band over
100 BLAtK PERCH ERONS, BELGIANS and COACH ERS 100
2 to 6 years old, weight 1.GC0 to 2,500 lbs. More black Percherons, ton stallions, largest Fr?nch
horse show winners, more government approved and Mumped stallions of anyone importer in tbe
west, lam's speaks French and U rman; pays no interpreter, no buyer, no talesman ; no two to
ten men as partners to share profits. His buyers get middlemen' profit aadxalaties. lams
1 uys direct from breeders. This with his twenty years' experience secures the best. All the
above facts save his buyers $5U to $ .1(0 on a first-class stallion and yon get a first-class horse, as
only second rate stallions are peddled by sleek salesmen to be sold. iUutdoneis dl the.mseleex.
) t costs $000 to fH)0 to have a salesman form a company and sell a second rate stallion. Form
your own companies. Go direct to lams barus. He will sell yon a better stallion for $t,(XX) and
tl.'.Ui than others aro selling at 2,000 und t(XX. Iaras pays horse's freight end his buyer's fare,
(iood guarantees. Uarns in town. Don't be a clam. Write for an eyo opener and finest horse
catalogue on earth.
St. PauL, Howard Co., Neb. On U. P. and B. & M. Rys.
Feferecrcs : M. Paul State l ank, Firtt State Bank, Citizens National Bank.
SHIRES, PERCHERONS,
l BELGIANS.
Head to select from all im
ported by us and guaranteed.
$1,000 buys a good one from us this fall.
competition by selling more quality for less money than the small importers can
possibly do. We do not advertise 100 and only have 20, but have just what we
claim. GO good ones now on hand. Barns just across from B. & M. depot. On
September U we landed iO head, which is our 34th import.
60
GO
We down all
Watson, Woods Bros. & Ksllsy Co,,
Lincoln, Neb.
REFORMS COKE SLOWLY
Mr. Settle I)!scnse the Slowness of Ac
complishing Jteform and Nrces-tity
"' for Meadla-tnesii
; Editor Independent: Since the
white man left the "rough stone age"
there have been countless questions
relative to a more advanced state of
civilization which have been fought
out and settled in sucn a manner as
to best accomplish their design.
heference to almost any of the
great questions which have engaged
the attention of the leading men of
all ages will reveal the fact that re
gardless of the justice or injustice of
a given question it is very liable at
first to meet the disapproval of a
very great number if not a majority
of the people to be benefited by its
solution. I have no desire to under
take the stupendous task of dispens
ing with the liability of present day
questions taking the same course oth
ers have taken, but as one of the hum
ble members of society, as one who
cannot and does not desire to escape
the effect of legislation, good or bad,
I deem it my duty to occupy my
humble position in life as advantag
eously as possible. One of the rea
sons (and I think the best one) why I
am willing to endure bad laws for a
time is because bad law3 when fairh
tested will render good ones more per
manent when they appear. In my
judgment no one can be excused for
neglecting or refusing to play his part,
no matter how little, in bringing about,
such legislation as will be commen
surate to the needs of the people.
While American citizens enjoy privil
eges, they also owe to their country,
their representatives and themselves
countless duties of which this par
ticipation in the solution of pending
problems is one of the most impera
tive, being second only to obedience
to laws which have been thereby
been made possible. A realization ol
this duty ought to impel every man to
action.
At this time and in fact since the
establishment of our government the
money question has' been wanting at
tention. It is receiving attention and
will continue to receive it, just go
long as it remains the acknowledged
medium of trade. Some claim that
the question is dead. Those who are
most persistent in the claim are the
ones who know best that it is neither
dead, dying or sick.
Should those who cling to the gold
standard idea remain in power, it can
not die, since it will require constant
action upon their part to maintain
that power. Should they lose their
power it cannot die for the opposition
will upon its assumption of control
proceed to action believed by it to bo
more in accord with the wants of the
times. So in either case the money
question will not and cannot, die. II
would seem that those who have been
so credulous as to believe in the al
leged death of this question are very
unmindful of the fact that much time
Is always required in the aceomplibh
ment of any great reform.
During the reign of Henry II. ot
England the way was opened lor some
constitutional amendments the effort
of which is felt, by the subjects of the
British crown today. Henry II. mado
repeated attempts to enforce the con
stitutions of Clarendon to the cud
that he might establish a more jus I
arid equitable system of administra
tion of justice. The Historian Mont
gomery cays his effort, "though baf
fled was not wholly lost; like seed
buried in the soil, it sprang up and
bore good fruit in later generations.'
The king reigned from 1154 to 1189, a
period of thirty-five years, and never
lived to see his works bear fruit. I
wonder if the eminent men of his
realm did not. boast over the death of
his reforms.
The history of England reveals the
DEAFNESS CANNOT BE CURED
by local applications as they cannot
reach the diseased portion of the ear.
There is only one way to cure deaf
ness, and that is by constitutional
remedies. Deafness is caused by an
Inflamed condition of the mucous lin
ing of the Eustachian Tube. When
this tube is inflamed you have a rum
bling sound or Imperfect hearing, and
when it is entirely closed, Deafness is
the result, and unless the inflammation
can be taken out and this tube restored
to its normal condition, hearing will
be destroyed forever; nine cas(s out
of ten are caused by Catarrh, which
Ig nothing put an inflamed condition
of the 'mucous surfaces.'
We 4ill give One Hundred Dollars
lor any' case of Deafness (caused by
catarrh) that cannot be cured by
Hall's Catarrh' Cure. Send for cir
culars, free. F. J. CHENEY & Co.,
Toledo, O.
Sold by Druggists, 75c.
Hall's Family Pills are the lest.
fact that from the first invasion or
Caesar, 55 B. C, to the battle of Lewe3
between King Henry III. and his
brother-in-law, Simon De Montpart,
fought A. D. 1264, there was an un
ceasing struggle upon the part of
the people to obtain justice at the
hands of their rulers. True, it can
not be said that they received it in
full at this date, but this appears to
be the noint in history where the king
was successfully "bridled." Where
parliament and the l ing began to lose
some of their unjust powers. Where
it became possible for a truly reser
vative body to assemble. This was a
reform that had been sought for thir
teen hundred years, possibly longer.
Now consider the reverses suffered
during this period. View the times
when despots claimed the divine right
to rule as they pleased. See the num
ber of lives lost in the continued strug
gle to bring about one reform. Th
convention called by "Sir Simon the
righteous" in the winter of 1265 was
the nucleus of what Lincoln called
"a government of the people, by th'.
people, for the people," was was nev
er realized until the ratification of
the constitution of the United States.
As important as it was for the com
mon people to be represented by those
who were directly responsible to them,
they did not jump at and embrace
the idea suddenly, but every inch o'
ground between those who favored and
those who opposed the house of com
mons was bitterly contested. I thin.v
I can guess what the result would
have been, had, the friends of repre
sentation accepted as final, the re
verses suffered by them. Again in
1477 when William Caxton introduced
to England the art of printing the
most religious and best educated men
of that day called it the "black art"
and alleged that it had its origin with
the devil. The monks opposed it on
the grounds that it would destroy the
copying trade. So it can be seen that,
selfish consideration will sometimes j
cause men to interpose serious objec
tions to measures of reform calculated
to benefit a number of people much
greater than the number offering thfc I
objection. 1 am not willing to be
lieve that men even at this late day
enjoy ' a supernatural endowment
which enables them to rise above self
ishness in every case. Other evidence
and by no means irrelevant evidence
is to be found in the fact that the
great habeas corpus ad subjiciendum
act passed under the reign of Charles
II. in 1679 by no means received the
support of all who were to be ben
efited by it. Certain it is that some
found fault with it and even expressed
a desire to have it repealed. So it will
be seen that it is not always a selfish
motive that prompts men to combat a
reform movement, but may very well
be ignorance of the beneficent results
to be obtained.
But I shall not. confine myself to
English history for further citations.
I think I should weary in so doing.
A glance at the dark period covering
the alternate rising and falling of
justice in Great Britain causes one's
soul to revolt. The only reason I
can get consent of my mind to per
use those gloomy pages is to better
enable me to enjoy the benign offer
ings of a republic. There the concur
rent action of the common people and
their rulers often extinguished the
light of noble souls. Here the grief
over the loss of great men has ajways
been shared by all, regardless of party
affiliation.
There the aim has been to extort as
much money possible from the peo
ple who r. ;ed it most. Here the
great obnet I: as almost always been
to save to the i eople as much of their
earnings as possible. There the great
desire h;s in b majority of instances
been tc keep the government as far
from the people as possible. Here the
c fieri s cf all arc to bring the govern
ment as near the people as practicable.
Thee they have claimed to rule by
divine right. Hcie they have always !
ackr.owloc'ged the supremacy of the
people and looicod to them for the
right to rule. There they have
breathed the spirit of an empire
propped up with bayonets. Here they
breathe the pure air and drink the
crystal Avaters of a republic resting
upon the will of the people. There
the ruler has always governed the
people. Here the people have always
governed the ruler. 1 shall therefore
pass into the period beginning about
the year 1776. I do not wish it un
derstood that even in the republic of
the United States all was har
mony and equilibrium of interests.
There have been dissensions; there
have been disagreements; there have
been wars. But between the enjoy
ment of liberty in England and the
United States there Is no comparison.
Perhaps I should say very little com
parison at most.
The adoption of our present consti
tution depended upon an agreement
among its framers upon some great
questions. Beginning with the memor
able convention that was organized
May 25, 1767, we find our govern
ment confronted by some intricate
problems. Some of the problems grap
pled with by this convention were not
solved for many years. The slavery
question rose to such a height as to
cause serious alarm. Attaching to it
were the difficulties of representation
and the proper distribution of politi
cal power. A heavy storm hung over
the convention; so heavy in fact that
some of the most accomplished men
of the assembly despaired of a suc
cessful termination of it. One writer
says of that body that it was "scarce
held together by the strength of a
hair."
Washington repented of having al
lowed himself to be persuaded into tho
work. Another great question to be
dealt with was where to fix the lini
between general and local govern
ments. State rights and privileges
had to be properly empowered. Then
when the government began proceed
ings under the constitution, let us re
member how it was received. When
the effort was made to collect the ex
cise tax in Pennsylvania the idea was
received with contempt. The author
ity of the government was disputed
and defied. Armed resistance was de
cided upon. The position of the in
surgents, the justice or injustice of
the tax is not to be questioned here.
The insurrection is cited because it
affords evidence in support of the
claim that it requires- time and study
to bring about even a small measure
of reform.
If it be doubted, however, that it
was an instance of reform I offer ao
testimony, the language of Mr. Ham
ilton concerning the signing of the
constitution under which the fax was
levied. In the convention referred to
he rose and said: "No ma'u's ideas
are more remote from the plan than
my own are known to be; but is it
possible to deliberate between anarchv
and convulsion on one side and tin
chances of good to be expected from
the plan on the other?" Is it not re
form to pass from anarchy and con
vulsion to good government were not
the insurgents opposing the reform?
Conscientious opposition it was, no
doubt, but opposition nevertheless.
Yet it has been said that others re
ceived the new constitution with in
structive joyfuluess. Another ques
tion and I shall offer no more. Slav
ery! the word is not to be found in
the constitution. When the great so-
1 HEADACHE
At ug , mijjmFnt'fn itt'i J
Lincoln Hide Market
The Lincoln Hide & Fur Company,
92) R street, Lincoln, Nebraska, suc
cessors to S. J. Dobson & Co., quote
U:e following prices, f. o. b. Lincoln,
until further notice: No. 1 greea
salted hides, per lb., 6c, No. 2,
5c; bulls and side branded, Sc;
green hides 1c lb. less than salt cured;
horse and mule hides, large, each,
$2.35; small, 75c-$1.50; green sheep
pelts, each 40-75c; dry pelts. 5-8c per
lb.; dry flint butchered hides, per lb.,
12-13c; dry fallen, weather beaten and
murrain hides .per lb., 5-10c. Our clas
sified fur list, together with little
booklet telling how to trap, skin,
stretch and handle furs and hides to
obtain the best i -suits, will be mailed
free to all upon request, also write for
tags and general information any time.
cial reform was begun no alteration
was needed to empower the states to
abolish the institution. This ques
tion is so familiar as to render de
tails unnecessary.
All know that from the beginning
of the operation of the general gov
ernment the question was sometime?
hot and other times cold. There re
mained a diversity of opinions con
cerning it throughout the period. Its
adjustment has cost thousands of liv?3
and millions of dollars. It cannot be
said even now that all faith in th
principle for which the southern con
federacy fought has been destroyed.
These historical storms are not of
fered for the educated. They are pre
sumed to know of them and to be able
to gather from them whatever benefit
the common people; as one practically
uneducated, I offer them to the readers
of The Independent and others of my
class, in hope of enabling some to
take consolation from them. To me all
such instances as the foregoing af
ford abundant proof that temporary
defeat must not be taken as perma
nent conclusion when we are dealing