THE NEBRASKA . INDEPENDENT
JANUARY 1, 1903.
legislators, let us console ourselves by
the restful hope that at least their
price 13 higher."
Who can fail, in all this thought
about the power of combinations and
corporations, and about the corruption
of individual morals, to see the results
of the concentration of wealth and
power In a few hands? There is no
result of corporate power that is more
manifest and decided than its ten
dency to blunt and corrupt the moral
perceptions and moral impulses of its
employes.; . -
From the years of 1887 to 1891, I
was professionally engaged in the in
vestigation of the reports made by
corporations in Indiana io tax boards.
These reports are required by law to
be verified. It was no uncommon
thing to find, when corporation offi
.cials were examined oraiiy concerning
reports to which they had sworn, that
they had no knowledge whatever con
cerning the reports to which they had
subscribed and sworn, and had no
means of knowing anything. They re
. garded the oath as a mere form, and
possessing little or no significance.
The correctness of schedules and val
ue of property would be sworn to by
officials who never saw the property,
. had no control oer it, and knew noth
ing about it or what was its value.
If . the editor of Law Notes had gone
through this experience. I think he
would' have concluded that, whi'e the
"magnitude of the stakes does test the
"rectitude of men as never belVe,"
7 there is another side to the question.
viz., that there has been developed a
'. disregard for the truth to such an ex
tent that, in many instances, in.iivH
ual rectitude give3 way in the 'pres
ence of a very small "stake" -very of
ten it is fo small that it can searcel;
' be called a meterial consideration
the desire to gain favor, with a super
ior, the unexpressed but known with
of an employer or corporation official,
the desire to make sure of future em
ployment, or hope of future favors,
have over and over again been euflic
.ieni. The. character and standing of
men who give way to "such influences
" who swear , to falsehoods ' as ' a' matter
or; form. '-With scarcely a thought of
what they are doing; is a matter for
surprise and the deepest-regret
. In one instance I found affidavits
'of two railroad officials, the superin
itendent ami the secretary of the Ind
ianapolis Union Railway company, at
tacneii t0 Afscbedule and appraisemen:
upon 'Whlci they made oath .that the
;Jndjanapq)is union station that: was
'thin nw!ind cost about $750,000, was,;
i WQrth40,() ... These men werr noi '
Ibadme'n-jraj.fr.Qm it. Both were ad
' vanced: in years,: one of tnem .a verir
abie.fathei in the church, honored and
respected by all who knew, him. He
had, been in ; the service of railroads
. longer than any man in Indiana. - I
do not believe these men would have
told' an untruth then,:a)jout .anything
outside of his raihoad duties, .Never
theless, when they eame tA.make this
report" required ;by lawitojriiiade,
and which was intended' to furnillt ;the
tax beard (information' 'apori wijich to
assess tlvj property,,. the pet down, as
the value a sum that was le&s than
one-fiftieth' part of the 'real value, and
held up their hands and swore; call
ing, God; to witness, , that thimon-;
&trous falsehood was true. ...What; does.
It' meant .' It does not , nean that
these men 'were 'bad -.at . heart. :-: ijhey
-.-.vfe not; 'itdoes mean, howevef, that
.. Uie employment in which theyt vef e
-' engaged thb influence of the corpo-
rate power 'to which they had so long
' been-subjected, like dropping water
-tipcm a stone; had worn in upon their
moral, natures, blunted their percep-.
. lions,-1 and t warped ' their sense of
right.' ' ' ' -
- ,1 called the attention of the state tax
I Aboard to .these affidavits, and they were
published in the 'Indianapolis i "papers,
where the gentlemen lived, -The prop
' erty of the corporation" which: they
represented had been:iappfaised;-fOr-;
taxation at' less than $150,000. 1 is.
. no more yalnable now than it ' was
then,- but-today it is assessed-for' tax-.
! , ation at about; '$6,'OOO,QO0, and ;th),( is
; SO to 40 peY'ccnt less than its value.
In a: nuinber of bankftases in ; Ind
" ianapolis, -it , has been; disclosed that
it has been, quite a common thing in
' side of banks to have affidavits made
by parties. Who did nut know whether
the reports to which they were at
tached were true .or not. In other
cases it has' repeatedly been shown
that, subordinates have, at the request
of superior officers and employes,; made
affidavits when they knew they' were
swearing to what was not true.
The only hope of escape from the
levil results of these corporations and
combinations is a full and complete
disclosure to the people of their pur-
. poses and doings. Public information
is destruction and death to all such
,. organizations, while concealment and
ignorance are life and success.
There is a most intimate relation
ship between the great financial com
binations and the control of such cor
porations, which has its most striking
exemplification in the management pf
'ransportation companies, and cor
porations operating local and munici
pal franchises.
There are very few of these or
ganizations which are operating pub
lic unities that (without any infer
ence to the cost of construction and
cqui-;mctt) are cot bonded for every
doilar on which their net earnings will
puy a moderate interest In large part
these bonds are held by individuals or
ether corporations not connected with
the operation of the corporate proper
ty. At any rate, they are so held that
there is ro iegal relationship between
the holderb of the bonds and the oper
ator' ot the property or the business
of the corporations. When the line of
a transportation company, or the
plant of a company operating a local
or a municipal franchise has been
constructed and equipped, bonded, and
the bonds sold, the stock represents
but empty shells that have very little
value except the right to control and
operate the property. The operators
must, of course, pay all operating ex
penses, improvements, and the inter
est on bonds before there can be any
thing left for the stockholders.
The ownership of the stock means
nothing more than an opportunity, on
the part of common carriers, to rob
industry and commerce, and on the
part of local companies, the ownership
::)ivx an excellent basis for all sorts
jf f.chemes of municipal corruption
and ex'ortion. It is-one of the plans
by which the rapid accumulation of
wealth by a few is being brought
about.
These corporation credits are a
large part of the groundwork of most
of the gambling schemes in most of
the large cities, and particularly in
New York. The holders of these cor
poration credits have a mortgage not
only upon every dollar invested in
construction and equipment, but by
the thoughtless and incautious grants,
made by . national and state ' legisla
tures and municipal authorities, some
. times unintentionally, sometimes cor
ruptly, have also upon public utilities
and franchises. By this means the
public is compelled to pay interest on
the actual investment, and also upon
the , franchise which bey ongs to the
public. Not only, this, but our people
are being compelled to pay all operat
ing expenses,, and in addition pay all
dividends to stockholders. Could a
more effective scheme possibly' bp de
Used by 'which to rob both producer
and, consumer,, and concentrate wealth
in "a few hands?" '.
The whole nefarious and dangerous
contrivance is a monstrous confidence
game by . which rights and franchises,
that belong to the public, are diverted
from their proper purpose, and con
verted ipto instruments by which our
people are despoiled instead of de
riving any benefit therefrom. It; is
thus that their earnings and their
property are being absorbed by men.
who in the whole course of their lives
never added a dollar to the wealth of
their country... . , , ; .
Who is there that is so stupid and
sq blind as to think for one minute
that the American people would permit
tl.is to .continue if they were fully
convinced thati.it is the truth? Why
have they permitted it to continue7
Why is there not a perfect cyclone of
indignation sweeping over our land?
How can it be possible that the reisn
of these influences has been prolonged
so long, and now seem to, be so firmly
established? It has been done "hv
playing on the prejudices of the peo
ple." Aye, more than thisf , We are
now able to ' see more than . Lincoln
foresaw, Not only have they played
upon the "prejudices , of 'the pec pie,"
but they have sown prejudices, not in
the night time, as the enemy sowed
tares among the wheat, but dav and
night, ,Not only have they played
upon the prejudices that Lincoln saw
but they have instituted schools ai if
were for teaching prejudices. Men are
being trained in the art of conceal
ment, deception and plausible false
hood. Public, and enrnnrnto official
Lare becoming experts jn reports that
give the people no information at all
reports that are remarkable in par
ticulanty, excessive in minuitia. and
imposing in volume, but contaimn
no iact tnat can be relied upon, or
that, imparts any information the peo
pie ought to . have.
By legislative enactment obstacles
are being thrown in the way of public
information. Measures are now pend
ing in congress that can have no pos
eible purpose except to keen wonh
from finding out whit will, if known,
operate, to the disadvantage of the
corporations, and of wealth.
On June 16, 1898, the United States
senate passed an act entitled "An act
to provide for taking the twelfth and
subsequent censuses." The act con
tained the following: -
"Sec. 24. That the twelfth census
shall be restricted to inquiries relat
ing to population, to mortality, to
products of agriculture, and of manu
facturing and mechanical establishments."
What Is the meaning of this restric
tion? How much light will a census
so restricted give concerning the real
condition of our people? This limita
tion cuts out every inquiry concern
ing the distribution of wealth. It re
fuses to give us any information about
the distribution and consumption of
the products of farms and shops.. It
throws a veil over all evidence of the
concentration of wealth. It shuts off
all investigation concerning private
debts, and the debts of corpor
ations. It will not contain anything
that will give the slightest informa
tion concerning the most potent of all
influences upon the industries and
commerce of the country. Not only
does it provide for concealment, from
the mass of producers and consumers
of the country, of facts that would be
of most value to them, but it provides
for an investigation that will keep
combinations and corporations posted
concerning that which is valuable to
them. Even the census is to be turned
fi i
mew a, ovitv;ijLic 1J ouramc cue aiilc
ests of the "money power."
FLA VII JS J. VAN VORHIS.
Indianapolis, Ind.
er-
POPULIST EOWHATIOHS
(Continued from Page 1.)
good, but there is no valid reason why
we should not profit byjour own teach
ing and make our example correspond
o our precept.
I desire to call the attention of our
people to the fact that under the pri
mary election system in vogue in Mis
sissippi and come other southern states
ine state legislatures are mere return
ing boards for the primarv elections.
the people choosing their senators and
the legislatures ratifying their choice.
In Mississippi no party candidate cir.
be certified to and placed on the offi
cial ballot unless the nominee of his
party primary. This law has been up
held by the supreme court of the f tats
and the constitution under which it
was enacted hn-i been held to be valid
by the United States supreme court.
I submit an outline of a plan for pri
mary elections leaving ail the details
to be worked out as meets the amircval
c ? those using it. The plan is as fol
lows: Nominees to be placed on pri
mary ticket bv petition reanirins a.
given number of signatures. Election
can be held under the primary elec
tion law of our state. Both democratic
and people's independent petit. ens
could be hied thus making a fusion.
There should be a committee to nre-
pare the official primary ballot which
should be in torm similar to the pres
ent official ballot and the method of
the voting should be secret.
I will give three plans for comput
ing the vote of precincts: First, the
votes of the precincts are counted, re
turned and canvassed, the candidate
having the highest number beinj; de
clared the nominee. Second, appor
tion to each precinct the numbu of
primary votes that it would now W al
lowed delegates in county convention;
the candidate receiving the greatest
number of primary votes would be en
titled to the vote of the precinct. To
illustrate: If Oak precinct is entitled
to ten votes then the candidate re
ceiving the highest number of votes in
Oak precinct is entitled to the ten
votes. Third, apportion the whole
county, but provide that candidates
shall receive their fractional pait of
the vote of each precinct, to i'ius
trate: Hickory precinct would be en
titled to twelve votes. A, B and C are
candidates for the nomination of sher
iff. A receives fifty votes, P. thirty and
C forty votes. A would therefore b:.
entitled to five votes, B to three votes
and C to four votes.
The primary election system gives
an opportunity for each individual of
the party to make his voice heard and
enables our young men to qualify
themselves for useful service. It in
sures satisfaction with the party nom
inees and at the same time inpiros
loyalty to the candidate because he
was selected by the direct vote of the
people. How different is this from thp
cry we so often hear, "Stand b the
leaders," "Support the administra
tion. " Instead of blindly ratifying,
the people should initiate the move
ment and select their standard-bearers.
In conclueion. allow me to say that
the following expression of a man high
in political circles, "it is not desira
ble that any but men of wealth and
consequence should sit in the United
States senate and the proper way to
select senators is to filter them down
through the people," should have no
echo among our people. United States
senators and all other officials honored
with our suffrage should come from
among the people, being chosen direct
ly by them.
I indulge in the hope that in the
near future the legislature of the state
of Nebraska will enact a . law as to
party nominations in substance a3 fol
lows: That the name of any candi
date shall not be placed upon the
official ballot in general or special
elections, as a party nofinee, who is 4
not nominated by a primary election,
and the election of any party nominee
who shall be nominated otherwise
shall be void. The nominations for
United States senators shall be by pri
mary election preceding the meeting
of the legislature at which the elec
tion is to be had.
If we make our methods correspond
to our principles there will be an
awakening among us born of a re
newed confidence that will be the her
ald of better days.
W. L. STARK. .
Washington, D. C.
Trusts and the Tariff
The trust question is now world
wide, anl the tariff question, as it re
lates to the trust, is just as wide as
the trust itself in public discussion.
Yve find the trade unions of Great
Britain opposing a tariff because "it
would aid the trusts." We find the
social democratic party of Germany,
bitterly opposing the new German tar
iff bill and offering amendments to
place all trust-made products on a
free trade basis. And there is a grow
ing belief everywhere that the pro
tected trust owes its success to it3
partnership with government.
Ther can be no question of doubt
but what the tariff on hides and beef
enables the " beef trust and the hide
trust to charge the American people
more for these two necessary products
than is charged to foreigners when
sold outside the United States. When
ever thi.3 question of tariff is ap
proached, interested parties always
shout loud and long about the higher
wages paid in America, as compared
with the rest of the world. It is true
we get higher, wages, but we do more
work. It has been proved over and
over again that the American s-hoe
worker,1 textile worker, steel worker,
etc., are, measured by the work per
formed, the cheapest workers in the
world, - :r v : .,f; ,
We all . know that no other - nation
can compete with us in the production
of shoes, and that being true, the in
dustry needs no protection whatever.
It is well at this time to remind our
selves that the Detroit convention
passed a resolution favoring free hides.
It's a demand that all New England,
as well as all shoe .workers are in
terested in. The Shoe Workers' Journal.
I Will Cure You of
Rheumatism
Else No Money is Wanted.
After 2,000 experiments, I have
learned how to cure Rheumatism. Not
to turn bony joints into flesh again;
that is impossible. But I can cure tho
disease always, at any stage, and for
ever. I ask for - o money. Simply write
me a postal and I will send you an or
der on your nearest aruggtst tor six
bottles Dr. Shoop's Kheumatic Cure,
for every druggist keeps it Use it
for a month and, if it succeeds, the
cost is only $5.50. If it fails, I will
pay the druggist myself.
I have no sam. es, because any med
icine that can affec Rheumatism
quickly must be drugged to the verge
of danger. I use no such drugs, and
it- i n f 1 1 L xl il . r
il in iuhj iu uuve mem. lou.must
get the disease out of the blood.
My remedy does that, even in the
most difficult obstinate "cases. No
matter how impossible this seems to
you, I know it and take the risk. I
have cured tens of thousands of cases
in this way, and my records show that
39 out of 40 who get six bottles pay
gladly. I have learned that people in
general are honest with a. physician
who cures them. That is all I ask.
If I fail I don't expact a penny from
you.
Simply write me a postal card or a
letter. I will send you my book about
Rheumatism, and an order for the
medicine. ..Take it for a month, as it
won't harm you anyway. If it fails,
i is free, and I leave U.2 decision
with you. Address Dr. Shoop, Box 940
Racine. Wis.
Mild cases, not chronic, are often
cured by one or two bottles. At all
druggists.