I
am
n '1 v' (
Vol. XIV.
LINCOLN, NEB., DEC. 11, 1902.
No. 29.
FEATURELESS
3Aia of Special lujportaace Being Don
by CoDfr Mr. Rliley Renew
Hit KcgaUr Correspondence
Washington, D. C, Dec. 8, 1902.
(Special Correspondence.) The open
ing of the last half of the Fifty-seventh
congress is a matter of history char
acterized by no special features save
the presence in the private gallery of
the house of the president's wife and
daughter.
In the senate, General Alger was
sworn in as the new member from
Michigan, vice McMillan, deceased, and
the "embalmed oeef" that our soldiers
had to eat in Cuba and the other isl
ands received a second official indorse
ment. The first day's session was short in
both branches, adjournments being
shortly taken out of respect to de
ceased members, seven members of the
house (all democrats) and one senator
(McMillan, republican,) having died
since the beginning of this congress.
The second day was consumed in the
reading of the president's annual
message, a document, judging from ex
pressions heard, very pleasing to re
publicans, and at least not distasteful
to the opposition. A state paper of
eight columns in length .containing not
more than 'wo direct recommenda
tions loi.e for the creation of a depart
ment of commerce, and another to
place bard coal cn the free list) could
not be expected to draw very heavy
fire from the enemy's guns.
Rhetorically, the message is cred
itable unique in that strenuous way
of continually harping upon a few
stociv phrases of "duty" and "oppor
tunity ' and "work" and "sturdy self
reliance" and "destiny" and distinct
ly Rooseveltish in charging everybody
with weakness and cowardice who
happeps not to agree with the admin
istration's program.
1 usee to think McKinley had the
faculty of saying more and meaning
less in p few words than any public
man of recent years, but as an adept
at cfoJging every public proposition
that might prove ar obstacle in a second-term
path, the present executive
makes them all look like 30 cents.
:? opposed tariff revision until it
can He proven that a schedule favors
Eionopoly and then he wants the mo
nopoly receiving tnc benefits to be
the juc'ge as to wncn that time comes.
On tl e trust Question he is so fear
ful some 5,ool trust will be injured
that nt cons'u is it. dangerous to at
tempt, sny rest 'Hint of the bad ones.
Therefore, "let rell enough alone"
which, translated, means do nothing,
may be looked tor as the official pro
gram. Tlis felicitations to the country upon
ccloiralism in the Orient are not rea
sonable had we dui- care for public
expeiue. Even the ' glory" of com
pel. ing the obedient of unwilling sub
jects wmI not compensate the deple
tion of our own and the island treas
uries to maintain thvs farce of world
powerfulness. Every new message to congress
S"ems to remind us that the writer
y:eMs to the commercialistic spirit of
th-5 t:rs ard give, little concern to
that hiebrr nznuara of national exist
ent; finch :n all ages has been the
inspiration of the poets, the philos
ophers, t!i? f c;i ntistr. the students and
the history-makers of mankind.
The Littlefield publicity bill, as
amended and reported favorably yes
terday by the sub- 'ommittee that had
bail it under consideration, provides
that every corporation, joint stock
com any, or similai organization en
gaged ir. interstate or foreign com
ijerce, and every inch corporation
which shall be hereafter organized,
shall file with the interstate commerce
commission on or before September 1
each year a return, t fating, among oth
er things, its nam-?, date of organiza
tion, where and when organized, the
statutes under whioh organized, and
if consolidated, the names of the con
stituent companies, &nd the same in
formation concerning them. If the
concerns have beon reorganized the
ordinal corporation or corporations is
to bp stated with information concern
In?1 them.
It is also provided that the amount
of authorized capital stork, shares in-
' to which dividd. par value, whether
common or preferrel, and distinction
between each, amount issued and out
standing, amount pa!? In how much,
if any, paid in cash, and how much,
if any, in properly, and if paid in
property, a description and cash mar
ket value of the property at the time
it was received in payment shall be
stated. The indebtedness, its nature,
and for what purpose incurred are to
be given, also a statement of the as
sets at their present cash market val
ue, giving the tlvments upon which
the market valu j ii based.
It also is required that the total
earnings and it'.cnmr, operating ex
penses, interest, ta:ct, permanent im
provements, net earnings, dividends
declared, with rate and date during the
year preceding thb first of the preced
ing July, salaries of officials and wages
of employes be disclosed.
It is provided furthei that the treas
urer or other officer of concerns af
fected by the bill having the requisite
knowledge shall answer on oath all
inquiries that may be made in writing
under the direction of the interstate
commerce commission, relative to its
financial condition or to its capital
stock. Such answer is not to be used
as evidence against the person mak
ing it, except in prosecutions under the
proposed act.
A tax of 1 per cent per annum is im
posed on so much ot the capital stock
outstanding which is not fully paid
in cash, or other property, at its full
cash market value, and provision 's
made for collecting the tax
Any concern contemplated in thli
bill failing to make the return as re
quired under this bill, ?nd any concern
failing to pay a tar imposed, is to be
restrained on tho suit of the United
States, from engaging in interstate or
foreign commerce It is made the
duty of the attorney general, at the
request of the luterstate commerce
commission, to enorce the provisions
of the proposed act. and suit may be
brought in any district court of the
United States, at the election of the
attorney general, where an offending
concern has a Dive oi business.
Provision is made that the interstate
commerce commi i. ion shall prepare
and publish a 3t.tment showing a
list of corporations snd disclosing their
condition. The oill dees not apply io
any concern thw amount of capital
stock of which does not exceed $500,
000. Secretary Shaw, in his annual re
port just out, recommends an asset
currency issued by the banks (based
alone upon bank securities) and the re
demption of silv-.n' dollars in gold.
These two are features of the Fowler
bill now pending in congress. A third
feature branch banks Mr. Shaw
says he is not as yet prepared to rec
ommend. The recommendation is only
delayed out of fear of the wrath of the
small country banker, but the people
may be assured ',hat the whole Fowler
bill will be engrafted into law, even
though it come a seeming trifle at a
time.
And the people have no right to com
plain if they get what they voted for!
About $29.50 is the present per capi
ta circulation of incney in the coun
tryabout one-third more than when
McKinley took the oath of office. In
1896 the bimetallisms said the need of
the country the sure harbinger of
prosperity was mo'e money. Who
was right? And tue vindication came
within five years!
The house on Wednesday passed a
bill appropriating 550.000 to pay the
expenses of the anthracite coal com
mission, unanimously. The expenses
of "commissions" come high, and a
new commission is appointed for some
purpose or another about every change
of the moon.
The omnibus statehood bill, to ad
mit Oklahoma. New Mexico and Ari
zona to the union and place three
new stars on the fia?. is receiving sen
atorial consideration The republican
majority is naturally opposed thereto,
and proposes a substitute to admit
Oklahoma and Indian territory as one
state, and cut out the other two for
fear they might choose a democratic
representation in congress.
The republican lexers In Nebraska
in the last election declared a town
an individual, a community, must be
republican to secure justice from con
gress, and even then not unless the
congressman from 'hat district was a
republican. That's the situation In
which New Mexico and Arizona find
themselves this dav.
H. W. RISLEY.
A DIVIDED HOUSE
Reorganize and Bryan Democrats Never
T 111 Vt'4-rU ia Harmony- C Must
Control and the Other Get Out
Editor Independent: The late elec
tion demonstrates what some of us
have believed ever since. 1896, and
what everybody ought to 1 ave known
that the two elements of the lemo
cratic party will not be harmo;icd
so that they will ever operate togei U
er. It is a house divided against it
self, and Ir the nature of things can
not staa l. If the Hill-Cleveland-Go'-man-Olney
- McLean -Watterson-N-i-tional
Bank element have at any tiaii
really expected that they could induce
the element represented by Mr. B van
to give up their belief in the declara
tions in the Chicago and Kansas CV
platforms, the expectation was ridic
ulously ebsurd. That expectation vn
not, however, a whit more ridlculom
or more absurd than was the expect t
tion of Mr. Bryan's democratic friends
that the men, who pretended to be
democrats in 1896, but caused his de
feat, would be true to him In 1900.
One of two things must occur and
will oc2 f. Either Mr. Bryan's demo
cratic friends must take possession of
the party organization to the absolute
and complete exclusion of the othe:
element, or they must abandon the or
ganization and the party name to the
Clevelaul crowd, and get away fro a
them entirely. If the first is to oceir,
then it is not only a question of con
trol of the party organization, but
how best and most effectually to driv
out and keep out every one of, th :
traitors of 1896 and 1900. There ough?
to be no room, and must bo none, in
the counsels of the party fo.1 any ma'j
who, in 1896 or 1900, pretended to bj
a democrat, and yet openly or secre.iy
supported the republican ticket by :i
direct vote, or supported it indirectly
by voting for Palmer and Buckner.
I can tespect the man, however much
I may disagree with him., who aban
dons his party because its declaration
of principles and purposes are not iu
accord with his convictions; but th
man who remains with his party unlc?
such circumstances and demands rec
ognition as a member of it, is entitb d
to no respect from anybody. The m.M
who in the last two national cam
paigns claimed to be a democrat and
took pa-.'t in its organizations and at
the same time assisted in its defeat,
directly or indirectly, was a traitor uot
only to his party, but to the rig' t.
Such a man is wanting in the funda.
mental instincts of common honesty.
During the campaign of 1896, the"!
were in a certain precinct ir the Se :
ond ward of this city (Indianapo'ir )
nineteen men who made UiemselA 5
very conspicuous by their pretende 1
earnestness in advocating the Palnu r
and Bucl ner ticket. They were well
known, so-called national demoirkis
who w?rc exceedingly anxious aboil
the honor of the party and the pre
servation of democratic principles. E'
cry one of them voted in the preci'u I
to which I refer. There was but one
Palmer and Buckner vote in the box.
Before this fact was known, a mem
ber of the election board interviewed
each one of the nineteen separate) v
and evary one claimed to have voii
the Palmer and Buckner ticket. Som -of
them expressed a willingness to
pwear to it. Whether any one of the
nineteen cast the one vote that wa i
in that box is very doubtful. Without
questlo-i eighteen of these men voter
the republican ticket. I know every
one of these men. In 1900, and again
this year, they were conspicuous as
democrats, professing a stlf-sacrific-ing
loyalty to party, notwithstanding
the great mistake (?) the party made
at Chicago and at Kansas City. In
1900 it was a blunder to put any re
liance in the professions and prom
ises of such men. It was worse than
a blunder to take them into the coun
sels of 'he party, and give them con
spicuous places (as was done) in the
party organizations, and In the man
agement of the campaign. By confes
sion thev were untrue to themselves
in supporting declarations of principles
that the did not believe to be right.
By confession they were traitors to
their own convictions, with r.o excus
but pretended loyalty to the party
name. What nonsense It was
to expect men, who confessed disloy
alty to their own Ideas of ight. to be
loyal to a name. The nineteen men to
whom I have referred, and many oth
ers like them, were political decoy
ducks. They were deliberately at
tempting to create dissension among
their own party associates that the
enemy might be profited thereby. This
is the class of men that has very
largely had control of the party or
ganization this year. This Is the class
of men that has been so sure that
there wculd be harmony and success,
if only (he party could get rid of Bry
an and the populists. This was the
burden of their song.
Such tuen were not controlled by any
political principle, and very naturally
assume! that no one else could be.
They rejoiced at the defeat of Mr.
Bryan in 1900 because they thought
that defeat finally disposed of him as
a political factor. They have been
foolish enough to suppose that all they
had to do was to have one of the aris
tocratic clubs to have a banquet some
where New York, and trot out
Clevelanl for a speech, then send the
secretarv of the Boston Free Trade
league ; Indianapolis to have another
banquet at the Grand hotel, at which
should be present only those who
would not mention Mr. Bryan's nam 3,
then give a few whoops for the old
party and undesignated democratic
principles, and that everybody who
voted for Bryan would go trooping
after them like a flock of fool sheep
after the bell wether. It did not work,
and it never will. This is the one en
couraging thing demonstral 3d by tho
late eliclion. The stunning defeat,
caused more by .ne loss of the pop
ulists and the 3ilve' republicans, and
the disgust In the ranks of their own
party, than by any increased strength
of the republican party, seems to have
paralyze! their tongues so that they
have not since been able to use them,
except lo snarl and growl.
Now what is the situation? Is t
rot perfectly clear that such men have
been more in sympathy with the pur
poses of the republican party than
with th3 declarations of the democratic
party? It is manifestly certain that, if
they cannol induce the democratic par
ty to abandon the declarations of 1896
and 1900, they will continue to prefer
the success of the republican party,
and will in every campaign, wherever
ghen the opportunity, netray their
own party to bring about that success,
just as they have heretofore done. Any
man of intelligence knows that If ev
ery man who called himself a demo
crat hal fsupportud that party. Mr. Bry
an woul I have been electaJ. They did
not support the party, and they never
will unlm the party abandons its po
sition on the financial question. This
election demonstrate? that rhe voters
many of them, are not ready to pay th3
price demanded. Very certain it io,
thr populists and those who left the
republican party, and gave their sup
port to Mr. Bryan in two campaigns on
this question, cannot, without stultl
ikation, support the party with such
votaries oi plutocracy "as Cleveland
and Hill at, the head of its column,
either ns leaders or ' honorc 1 guests."
The 'avorite assertion wita this ele
ment now is, that the monej question
is a dead issue. Well, if the. are real
ly sincere about that, it is very
strange that sensible men should be
sc terribly afraid o . a corpse. They
are not rincere. The mone" question
is not dead. It is. not a dead issue.
It is the question that is at the bottom
of, and that gives life to, e.ery other
possible question in our rr.litk-s. No
man knows this better than such men
as Cle eland and hill, and the morn
intelligent part of their following.
The oarty- never will succeed again
with suti'i men in it. Can the parly
get rid cf them? I suppose the ques
tion ought to be put in this way. Will
the party get rid of them? When put
in this form I am constrained to ex
pires the opinion in answer that it
never will. I am forced to the con
clusion (bat thos?, who be"eve in the
declarations of Jie Chicago und Kan
sas City platforms on the money ques
tion, will not be able to cleanse the
old party hulk from these barnacles.
There arc too many who are more
concernel about party than about the
success of any principle it ha3 de
clared. The party put its hands to
the plow in 1890, and made its cam
paign distinctly and specifically on the
money question. If it had not been
betrayed by so-called democrats, it
would, with the aid of the two million
and more votes outside of the pirty,
have succeeded. If it looks backward
now it is doomed. No more disastrous
mistake was ever made, in a political