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Is irfth'"g a Spaaial w prtea on Photo thta
Studlf
VHK
Decided By
SB-
How Connecticut Candidate's Knowl
edge of Telegraphy and Opponent's
Honesty Foiled a Scheme De
vised by Tammany Men.
Only those who are on the Inside
realize on what queer and often unex
pected turns and seemingly little
things the fate of even national elec
tions sometimes hang. The hitherto
unpublished Incident I am about to re
late illustrates the point aptly, and I
might add that I have always viewed
with soma satisfaction the minor part
played In probably helping to decide
national election. .
When Gen. Grant was president the
elections In the state of Connecticut
were held, on the first Monday of
april. A state election was to be held
near the close of Grant's first adminis
tration, and it vas expected that as
Connecticut went so would the nation
go In the presidential election of the
following fall. Marshall Jewell was
governor and a candidate for re-elec
tion. His Democratic opponent was
James E. English, who had also been
governor. All the politicians were con
vinced that, whether Jewell or English
won, the majority would be small.
One slushy night in the latter part
of March Jewell was driven from a
country village where he had been
campaigning to the railway station at
Meriden, ten miles distant. While he
was all alone in the station the tele
graph key began to click. When a
No" Made Arthur President
He Escaped from Political Trap Set
by the Hayes Administration to
Get Him Out of the
Country.
Everyone interested in the career of
Theodore Roosevelt is familiar with
that curious destiny by which what
was meant to be a political plot to re
tire him from New York politics re
sulted in his accession to the presiden
cy by succession and to his nomina
tion and election as president a little
over three years later.
Whenever I recall this incident I al
ways think of the moment when Ches
ter A. Arthur stood unconsciously at
the parting of the ways when, had
he gone the other way, he probably
never would have sat in the presiden
tial chair. Not until now have I told
the incident, although I came into pos
session of the facts years ago, a few
days after Gen. Arthur had been re
moved by President Hayes as collec
tor of the port of New York.
Thla occurred in 1877, and those who
were in the inner circle of politics, of
that day had reason to suspect that
Arthur was removed as a part of the
game of political chess which had for
its object the nomination of John
Sherman for president to succeed
Hayes. At that time the New York
custom house was the most powerful
political influence, in the sense of con
trolling party organization, in the
TJnlted States. If John Sherman were
to be nominated for president it would
be of the highest importance that the
New York custom house should not
be unfriendly to him. Gen. Arthur
had been for years an intimate per
sonal and political friend of Roscoe
Conkllng. The latter was opposed to
the Sherman candidacy, and under
Gen. Arthur the custom house could
not be so employed politically as to
aid in the proposed John Sherman
nomination. So Arthur was removed
a the port's collector, that one friend
ly to Sherman might wield the great
influence of the custom house.
A few days after his removal by
President Hayes I called upon Gen.
Arthur at his newly opened law office.
While we were talking I noticed that
the general opened and shut a drawer
In his desk several times. At last,
with some sign of hesitation, he took
a letter from the drawer. He turned
to me and said, "I have been wonder
ing whether I should let you know
what Is in this letter. I think I will.
but I can't give you a copy of it, be
cause copies are sometimes lost or
mislaid. I wouldn't let anyone take a
copy of It."
Having said this, he drew the letter
from its envelope and read it to me.
It was a communication from Wash
ington, in which Gen. Arthur was in
formed by John Sherman that, if he
were willing to accept the mission to
The Hague, or to Belgium, or to
Switzerland, or even to Denmark, the
president would be very glad to ap
point him.
as he read the letter I realized its
great importance, and when he had
tnished I assured him that I would
carefully guard the missive If he
would let me take it away and show
it to Charles A. Dana, the editor of
the New York Sun, who was then and
always a warm personal friend of
Gen. Arthur.
"No." said the general, "I had rather
not let the letter go out of my hands,
but you ean tell Mr. Dana what It con
tains, and say to him that I will gladly
show It to him if he will call here."
"Have you answered it?" I, asked.
"Yes, I have answered It I said
Night Wait
young man he had studied telegraphy,
and almost unconsciously' he read that
New York was calling Albany by way
of Hartford. Then, with a suddenness
that made him stand stock still, he
heard his own name spelled out over
the wire. Listening now, with all his
senses alert, there, in the solitude of
that deserted railway station, he
caught every word of a message going
through to Albany from some of
Tweed's cronies in New York city,
which clearly indicated that Tweed's
friends Intended sending, repeaters
into Connecticut on election day.
Instantly Jewell's plans were
changed. Instead of going to Hartford,
he took the first train to New Haven.
Arrived there, he immediately called
at a newspaper office and said to the
editor, in whose judgment he had
great confidence:
"I have here a telegraph message
from some of the Tammany men of
New York to some one in Albany. It
shows that they are to send repeaters
Into this state on election day. What
had I better do?"
So highly respected was James E.
English, and so certain was it that he
would not be a party to any contem
plated fraud upon the ballot, that it
seemed the better part to notify him
of the telegram in Gov. Jewell's pos
session.
Summoning me, the editor placed in
my hands a sealed envelope. Instructed
me to deliver it to Gov. English in per
son, to tell him that it was from Gov.
that I would prefer to remain a private
citizen, and return to the practice of
law in New York, rather than to live
outside the United States."
"That offer was made so as to pre
vent the necessity of removing you as
collector of the port," I said.
Gen. Arthur returned the letter
to the envelope. Then, looking at me
with a whimsical smile, he said: "It is
capable of that inference."
Had Gen. Arthur fallen into the
political trap, so to speak, set for him
by the Hayes administration, to keep
it from having to perform the dis
agreeable work of removing nlm as
collector of the port of New York, he
How Lincoln
Timely Offer of Appointment as Min
ister to France Ended the Great
Journalist's Criticism of the
Administration.
The following hitherto unpublished
anecdote, related to me by one who
was a lifelong friend of Thurlow
Weed, Illustrates Lincoln's supreme
gift as a politician in the best mean
ing of the term.
In the darkest days of the civil war,
when there had been severe and con
tinued reverses to the union army,
when it was known to Mr. Lincoln
that France and England were con
templating interference, or, at least,
the raising of the blockade, and when
Secretary of the Treasury Chase was
trying to establish a satisfactory cur
rency system, the New York Herald,
in an earnest, not unkindly, but se
verely critical way, reproached the ad
ministration at Washington. At that
time the Herald was regarded in Eu
rope as the leading American newspa
per, and because of this fact the posi
tion taken by the founder of the Her
ald, James Gordon Bennett, gave Mr."
Lincoln serious concern. He was anx
ious to obtain the support of, and to
put an end to criticism by, the Herald.
He did it by one master stroke of tact,
skillful diplomacy and an intuitive un
derstanding of the character of Mr.
Bennett.
Late one afternoon Thurlow Weed,
the master politician of New York
state, called by appointment upon
James Gordon Bennett at his beautiful
country place, as it then was, on the
upper end of Manhattan Island.
The two great Journalists strolled
for an hour or so through the beautiful
grounds and national park that was
a part of Mr. Bennett's country estate.
They talked of men and events for a
while, and also of the growth of New
York city, which, Mr. Bennett said,
would ultimately convert the upper
end of Manhattan island, then a for
est, into a residence district.
At last Mr. Weed said and I am re
peating the words as they were told
to me by Mr. Weed's friend:
"Mr. Bennett, I have recently seen
President Lincoln. He is greatly dis
turbed about the situation in France.
You know, of course, that Louis Napo
leon was Just prevented, and by fortu
nate accident, from recognizing the
southern confederacy, or, at least, from
declaring that France would attempt
to lift our blockade?"
"Yes," replied Mr. Bennett, "I know
about that. I know the part you had
in it, and what signal service you were
able to give to the United States at
that time. Tell me more about it."
Thereupon Mr. Weed narrated to
Mr. Bennett the extraordinary circum
Jewell, and to wait for his reply. Ig
norant, at that time, of the envelope's
contents, I hastened to carry out my
instructions, routed the Democratic
candidate out of bed, saw him start
visibly as he read the slip of paper.
ana carried Daca witn me nis - assur
ance that he would be at the newspa
per office as soon as he could dress.
It was midnight when he entered.
"What is this about a telegram V
asked Gov, English, when the formal
greetings were over.
Gov. Jewell read the telegram, and
then handed the slip of paper upon
which it was written to Gov. English.
"This is, indeed, a surprise and irri
tation to me," said Gov. English. "I
hape you know me well enough," he
continued, "not to make it necessary
for me to assure you that I would not
for an instant 'keep the office of gov
ernor unless I received the honest vote
of a majority of the electors. Let me
take a copy of this telegram." A copy
v as handed to him.
There is every reason to believe
that next day Gov. English communi
cated with some of his party heelers;
at any rate, he discovered the genuine
ness of the telegram to be unques
tioned, and summarily checked the at
tempt to run Tammany repeaters into
Connecticut. In other words, because
of his sterling honesty, a Democratic
gubernatorial candidate caused the
election of his opponent by a plurality
of 150, and, probably, the re-election of
President Grant the following Novem
ber. None except Gov. Jewell and one
or two of his more intimate friends
knew until this day how that .decisive
telegram was obtained.
(Copyright, 1309, by E. J. Edwards.)
would have been out of the country
when the Republican national conven
tion of 1880 met. He would have been
our minister at either The Hague, Bel
gium, Switzerland, or Denmark, of
three years' standing. He would have
lost his immediate personal grip on
New York politics. He would not have
headed the New York delegation to
the convention. He would have been
"out of sight, out of mind." And be
cause of this fact, in all probability,
when the New York delegates were
given the privilege of selecting the
candidate for vice-president the name
of Chester A. Arthur would not have
been considered. And so another than
its bearer would have succeeded James
R. Garfield as president of the United
States. ,
(Copyright, 1909, by E. J. Edwards.)
Won Bennett
stances which made it possible for
him to prevent Louis Napoleon from
declaring It to be France's purpose to
raise the union blockade of the con
federate ports. Mr. Bennett was deep
ly interested in this secret history.
Concluding his narrative, Mr. Weed
continued:
"Now, Mr. Bennett, the situation re
mains critical in France. President
Lincoln is very anxious that we shall
be represented at Paris by a minister
who understands the French people
one for whom Louis Napoleon has cor
dial feeling and at the same time by
a man who is a conspicuous and influ
ential . American citizen. President
Lincoln has asked me to put myself
into communication with you to say to
you that if you will accept the post of
minister to France he will gladly nom
inate you for that office, feeling that
your -service there would be of the
highest value to the United States.'
Equally delighted and surprised at
the unexpected turn of affairs, Mr.
Bennett expressed his high apprecia
tion of the distinguished honor that
Mr. Lincoln proposed to confer on
him, adding that for him it was a
greater honor to have been thought of
by the president in this connection
than any he could obtain by actually
filling the French mission. But it
seemed to him that he and the Herald
v.--uld be of greater service to the
union were he to remain in this coun
try in Immediate touch each day with
his newspaper. He therefore was sure
that he ought to instruct Mr. Weed to
say to the president that, while he
highly appreciated the honor, yet he
believed his post of duty was at home.
After this interview President Lin
coln and nls administration had no
more cordial or valuable supporter
than James Gordon Bennett.
(Copyright, 1309, by E. J. Edwards.)
Preachers Not Overpaid.
In England the early Methodist
preacher, when away from home, was
expected to get his food from his con
gregation, and when at home was al
lowed 36 cents a day, with the stipu
lation that the acceptance of an invi
tation to dine led to a due deduction.
His wife was allowed 96 cents a week.
with a further concession of five dol
lars a quarter for each child. At the
Bristol conference of 1752. however, a
definite salary was fixed. For the fu
ture the preacher was able to call $60
a year his very own.
At a Distance. '
Small Elmer was playing with his
mother's opera glasses. Happening
to look at her through the big end,
he exclaimed: "Oh, mamma, you are
so far away you look like a distant
relatival" Chicago News.
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