I 1 J i 1 K TRAPES iilCOUNCILg VOL. 5 LINCOLN, XEBEASKij, JANUARY 16,-1909. NO. 41 nsaa frn nri w 0 . . -v. k .. - ; m m . m I w ) V r I 1 I M I x : M m m m a 7 2 Among the Live Ones Here and Hereabouts The Central Labor Union's first meeting in the new year was unusually well attended, and there were some interesting features apart from the usual order oV business. The committee appointed to partici 18te In the work 0f framing the new city charter reported with several printed copies or the instrument, and the charter was discussed pro and con. There was a difference of opin ion on every topic discussed save one, i nd on that there was a unanimity that was good to see. This was upon he provision that the city election be held on the first Tuesday In May. .t vas instantly seen that this would de irtve a large number of honest, hard- ttorkiug and taxpaying citizens of an opportunity to vote, and it was pretty generally agreed that the supporters if the May date had this very thing in mlnJ. The central body and Its affiliated bodies will doubtless oppose to the last ditch the May date and in fdfet unon settlnsi the election not Liter than the second Tuesday in April. The Central Utbor Union unani Vn.ously decided to take the Initiative and properly celebrating the one hundredth anniversary of the birth of Abraham Lincoln. In support of this proposition several short talks ' were made, and Acting President Quick ap ' rotated the following committee to oi range the details Messrs. Kelsey, AVoelhaf slid Walker. The committee ' was given full power to act.' It Is proposed to secure some well known 'speaker from abroad to de liver the principal' address, and' to ' have two or three local speakers give ' hort ' addresses. A brief sketch of ' Lincoln's' life will be read and there will be plenty of patriotic music, vocal and instrumental. All citizens will be asked to join with the trades union isls in'propery celebrating the anni- versary. 'Delegate Chase, who just came over fiom the Carpenters' Union, was made " a member of the charter committee and thereby becomes also a member ( the' legislative committee. In ac Cfpting the appointment Delegate Chase suggested that it was high time ': the unions were training up men to transact Us business, just as corpora- ' lions train up men to manage their affairs. He also insisted that it would be Just the proper thing to do to " employ a couple of good men to watch " the legislature and look out for legis intiori In the interests of organized labor, paying them the wage scale for t'.ieir work. "We get It in the neck kecause we don't try to do our own business in a business way," said Delegate Chase.' "We demand some- ' thing, then forget that we have made the demand until we find that we have lost our opportunity. Then we holler. ' The corporations and the trusts make their demands and then keep ham r.ierlng away until their demands are complied with." John P. Byei-s ol Chicago, a member of the Painters and Decorators' Union, was present as a visitor,' and was in '. troduced by Delegate Kelsey. Mr. Byers made ' a short but eloquent speech In response to an invitation to address the body. Mr. Byers is the author of a labor song entitled "The Ninety and Nine," which has been set to muBic and published in sheet music form, by a firm that uses the allied printing trades label. The words and music are fine, and the song shoulj be familiar to every trades unionist. The Wageworker acknowledges the receipt of a copy from Mr. Byers. It is dedicated to the toilers of America. The music ia by G. W. Ashley. We venture to print the chorus: "Yes, the ninety and nine who toil each day Should receive for their labor a fair day's pay. And the wealth they, create in field and mine Should remain In the hands of the ninety and nine." The Central Labor Union will -hold a "protest meeting" some time in the near future, probably about the mid' tile of next month. At this meeting the protest of Lincoln trades unionists against the Wright decision in the case of Oompers, Mitchell and Morri sen will be presented. The meeting THE AWING IGNORANCE DISPLAYED BY JUDGE IVRIGIIT will have some fireworks attachments, heoretically speaking. BOUNCED. John J. Powers, business agent of the Brotherhood. of Carpenters in New York City," is out of a job. The Brotherhood bounced him because ho attended the "labor dinner" at tho white house to which Samuel Gomp-u-3 was not invited. UNIONIST LANDS. Mayor McClellan, of New York City, has appointed James P. Holland a member of the board of education. M!r. Holland is president of the Elec tric Engineers' ' Union . and is a delegate to the Central Federated liion. He succeeds Samuel B. Don nelly, who has been appointed public. I.vinter by President Roosevelt. 'The senate committee on finance Thursday made a favorable report on the bill to make the salary of the president $100,000 and that of the vice-president $20,000 yearly. An American Mechanic Writes of Trades Unions This "American Mechanic," with the modesty of his class, prefers to re main anonymous. He is a man of great ability and with ".. a thorough knowledge of his trade and of the in- One is filled with astonishment its one studies carefully the de ision of Judge Wright in the Gompers case astonishment that a man so ignorant should be foisted upon the federal bench; astonish ment that such a bunch of falsehoods should be allowed to stand as the judgment of any court for even an hour. It would be amusing to read his display of ignorance of the real purpose and course of trades unions were it not that he is a judge whose mental gyrations are written into law by the mere ukase issued bv hmiself. Hear him: 'Announcing freedom to pureahse what and where one will, ihey (the unions) deny that right to him himself; proclaiming the right ot all men to labor, they restrict it to the holders of a union card.' declaring the right to enjoy full earning capacity, thev limit his daily earnings to a stated sum." The declaration of Judge Wright contains more falsehood to the square inch than any forty pages of Baron Munchausen's book. Unions do not restrict the right to labor to men who hold, union cards they merely declare that their members shall not work by the side ot men who are too stingy, too subservient, too feeble-mind ed and too selfish to bear a share of the burden of securing and main taining the bettered conditions and wages that are the direct result of union organizations. Judge Wright's declaration that the unions limit the members to a stated sum is a lie that has been so often repeated that jt may be possible that Judge Wright believes it. But no amount of repe tition will make it any less a lie. There is not a union in America that limits its members to any stated wage, save when industrial de pression makes it necessary to exercise discipline in order to dis tribute the opportunity to make a bare living oVer as wide a field as possible. But to say that any union limits a man to any stated sum per hour or per day is as false as anything the father j)f lies could invent. Unions fix a minimum wage below which its members may not work, but there is not a. union that puts a maximum oh the amount per day or per hour that its members may earn. Anv There you have it, flat. The simole deeree nt nv n'i.nnraV;, tool elevated to the federal bench by virtue of an oily political pull, musi noi ne questioned. 11 he says the worker must not do a thing, no matter how legal th'e doing may be, the worker must not do it lest he be sent to jail, not for doing an illegal act but for defvino the court. And the worker thus restrained by judicial deeree from ex ercising his constitutional rights lias, according to Judge Wright, absolutely no recourse within his limited financial reach. ; V "It is written in this record," says Judge Wright. "That the labor union and its officers meddle into a member's daily affairs deeper than does the law; restrict him in matters that the law leaves free; and' then so continually crowd their authority upon his at tention that insensibly he comes to regard them as of control in his affairs; the fact that he regards them as authority leads him to heed them because-of his readiness to yield to authority; his very respect for authority assumes that all authority is respectable, and so upon them he relies, by them he is led." Of course the unions deal with its their members' daily affairs even deeper than does the law. What of it? Isn't that true also of -the ehurch .'To be sure the union restrict its members in matters that the law leaves free. What of it? Isn't the charge equally true ot the church? Ihe law leaves a man free to purchase Avhere and what he will, but the union, profiting by experience, restricts . its membership to purchasing where the benefits will be mutual. The law' leaves a man free to enjoy the pleasures' of the waltz and the two-step, but the church generally speaking restricts him to the pious promenade. And because the union helps the member to help himself by restricting him in certain ways it is, perforce, a criminal conspiracy., - But the church, which throws even greater restric tion about the memberwell, what would Judge Wright: inflict in the Avay of punishment upon the priest or pastor brought before hini? "The law has been piade to fail," declares Judge Wright. To this dictum organized labor objects.. If church congregations may judge upon the benchlwho pretends t discuss this question in hand-ij'ote to refrain from giving countenance to an enemy of the church ing down a judicial decision, and who is so ignorant as Judge Wright shows himself to be, is a disgrace to the beuch and a dangerous man to entrust with a tithe of power that federal judges have pre sumed to exercise. What," asks Judge Wright "knows the ' worker in Texas, Florida, Maine and Oregon of the merits of the original controversy of thirty-six metal polishers in Missouri? What knoAvs he of the refined distinctions about "boycott,' 'conspiracy,' 'injunctions' and the 'voidness for want of jurisdiction,' of judicial decrees? In re spect of each of these and of the original controversies, he has been betrayed, hoodwinked into the stand of an enemy of law and of social order." ' i There's the milk in the cocoanut! The worker is an ignorant, bestial, dull-witted animal, therefore he must be kept in proper con trol and subjection by those who have been ordained of God to act as trustees for the proper distribution of the blessings of earth. Be ing ignorant, men of the Van Cleave-Post-Wright-calibre must step in and protect him from himself lest he fall into the wicked error of thinking he has some rights which even the self-appointed trustees of Divine Providence must respect. And when he falls into the er ror of thinking that he has some rights under the constitution rights equal to those of the self-appointed trustees it is because he has been "betrayed, hoodwinked" into the error by cunning and conscienceless men like Samuel Gompers. And while the cunning and conscienceless Gompers has been "hoodwinking" the workers and piling up millions as a result of his graft, the good friends of the worker, like Van Cleave, Parry, Post, Carnegie, Morgan, Harri man et al, having been making sacrifices in the workers' behalf un til today they are all but paupers forced to rely upon the county for aid. . "What knows he of the refined distinctions about 'boycott,' 'conspiracy,' and the 'voidness for want of jurisdiction'?" asks Judge Wright. N Not much to be sure. But he knows that the weapon which is called a "boycott" when he uses it is illegal, while the weapon that his employer uses is merely a "black list" and entirely proper. He knows that when he and his fellow workers get together for mutual help and mutual protection they are adjudged guilty of "conspir acy," and that when their employers get together for the same pur pose it is called a "community of interests" or a "gentlemen's agreement," and the parties thereto hailed' as "captains of indus try" and guardians of vested rights." . What does he, the ignorant worker, know about injunctions? Not much, to be sure; and what little he does know was not ac quired in a law school, but by bitter experience. He knows that when the workers resent an injury they are enjoined because it is a "restraint of trade" or an attack upon "vested rights," but when the employers take similar action it is called "economic evolution" and a "proper safeguarding of sacred property rights."- A "sacred property right" is the right to sell merchandse, but the right to sell one's labor either singly or in partnership with others who have labor to sell is too dangerous to be allowed, for are not the workers an ignorant, dull-witted lot who are too easily deceived by talse leaders and must, therefore, receive the fostering care of such great hearted men as Van Cleave, Post Wright et al. "There is," says Judge Wright "A' studied, determined, de fiant conflict precipitated in the light of open day, between the de crees of a tribunal ordained, by the government of the Federal Union and of the tribunals of another federation, grown up in the land ; one or the other must succumb, for those who would unlaw the land are public enemies." , ' without danger of punishment,' why should trades unionists be sent to jail like' common criminals for deciding amongst themselves' that they will not countenance or support an enemy of their industrial progress? If an individual lias a right to proclaim that he does not patronize a certain firm, or that a certain firm is unfair to him, is that privilege forfeited when he takes a union obligation? Judge says yes; .organized labor says no. And that is . the question organized labor wants threshed out in open court, but which Judge Wright declares closed by his judicial decree and sentence of im prisonment upon men who have dared to claim what their forefathers fought to secure for them liberty of thought and speech. Judge Wright says: "Tis so," and lo, it becomes the law of the land with out legislative enactment or executive approval or sanction, and woe betide" the " desperado who dare question the legality of the judge-made law ! Hear Judge Wright again as he sheds the light in upon the be nighted" minds of. the workers who are incapable of caring, for their own interests "Says the authority of law, 'I lead you by the truth.' says the other, 'I lead you by a lie.' Says one, 'I stand for the obligations of contracts, including yours;' the other, 'I throw down contracts, even though yours.' Says one, 'I am for law'; the "other, 'I un law'."-' '','.'..'. ;.;'.' ; '. There is more of misstatement, more of misrepresentation, more of unfairness, more of downright falsehood in that paragraph than one will find in any other paragraph of similar length in any ju dicial decree, issued from the federal bench. . .'"',. Unions stand solidly for the solemn obligations of a contract, and statistics will prove, as history written and unwritten proves, that for every contract violated by organized labor, a dozen have been violated by employers and employers' associations.-' The union that violates a contract is disciplined by those in authority ; the employer who violates a contract is hailed by the daily press and by the Van Cleaves, the Posts and the Parrys as "an employer wno nas rebelled against the exacting and unreasonable demands of a damn able labor trust. .. Who stands more erect or more staunchly for the supremacy, oi the constitution and the laws of the land than the men who eat their bread in the sweat of their faces? Let the recdrds f the Civil War tell the tale. Let the records of the Spanish-American war lur- nish answer to the query. The man who bore the brunt in those wars as in all other wars for freedom and huamnity were the me chanics, the plowboys, the clerks, the artisans. And while these toilers were offering themselves as sacrifices upon the altar of their couiftry, men Who now prate so loud and so long about the suprem acy of the' constitution and respect for law . were selling shoddy goods by -contract . to Uncle Sam for the soldiers to wear, doped food and embalmed beef to feed them, trafficking in the nation's blood and wringing a profit from the tears of wives and mothens and sweethearts. . O, the appalling ignorance, or the' collossal presumption of Judge Wright ! Is it any wonder that with such men upon the tea eral bench arrogating to themselves more power than is claimed or exercised by czar or sultan, that organized labor raises a voice of warning and of protest? Is it any wonder that thoughtful men who have an idea above dollars realize the grave danger; that threatens American liberties in the shape of a federal judiciary appointed for life and answerable only to its own conscience? No ; the wonder is that there are any who are silent in the face of the threatened danger, or so selfish and self-centered as to profit by a system that is fraught with so much danger to the republic side workings of the labor unions, it is of the very greatest importance -that the members of ' our churches should get the view-point of the labor ing man in all things, especially in this matter of the labor unions, which so closely concerns our national wel-1 ' fare. ' We have never sen this view point better presented than in this article." . ; ' We had a queer experience the other night at a meeting of our labor union. We initiated five candidates ' ' and it required the services of as many, different , Interpreters. There , ' was a Swede, a German; a Hungarian, a. Bohemian and a Frenchman. The fellows had lots: of fun about it, but it; was serious business to the officers who were doing the' Job. Every one of. the candidates went through the entire performance witb v out a smile. These foreigners . were certainly a solemn crowd: ' The ceremony reminded me ' again and again of the pledge required by the American Federation of Labor--that its members will "neVer discrimi- -nate against a ' fellow-worker on ac- ' count of creed, color or nationality." Once on a time we machinists were bound to introduce into our lodges -only white candidates. But about a dozen years ago the American Federa- tion of Labor told us that either we should . have - to cut out the word "white" or they would cut us out.' v . We cut out the word. ' The lodges that are still using the old form are , doing it against the laws of the union.. It isn't to be wondered at that in some parts of the country there is this feel ing against the colored ; man among some trades unionists, because there , are many eminently respectable citi zens in : the same communities who keep them out of their churches and . all other organizations with which 1 they arte identified. It's easier for a - colored man to join a white man's ; union than it is for a colored man to join a white man's church. . It's harly a square, deal to hold' against the abor union the charge of -' discrimination, when these folks in , , the supposed better classes . are' doing the same thing. ;V , Americanizing Foreigners.. : But, when It comes to an out-and-out proposition with reference to the foreigner, you can't find an organiza tion that does more than the labor -union to Americanize him.. . All you've got to dp to get the proof ' is to go to the stockyards district in Chicago and- study tbe influence of the labor unions over the thousands of foreigners i of different nationalities , that work in the yards. . Or, if you traveled through the coal fields of Pennsylvania, among pretty ' nearly the sam class of people, , you would find that John .Mitchell's or ganization has been a "great civilizing agency among' theni..' Tfce' miners' : union . has its. .constitution translated into nine different Ja'ri'guajges. v ivioi oi mese lureiguers come to this country with the' idea " that the word "government" means oppres sion. Through the labor unions they soon come to know that it means friend. ' ' .' V ,' 1 " The immigrants are real flesbnd- blood people, with human hopes and aspirations, with 'human neejS ant human hearts. They are men, aW they must be so regarded. Perhaps it is because this has been recognized by organized labor that the union is so influential with the immigrant. The public school has its 1 place in educating most familiar with American Institutions and customs through the labor organization of which he becomes a member., . , Here he gets. rid of his clannish in-' stinct. He comes' to know more about . the solidarity of the. human race, tie1 brotherhood of man. Here his stand ard) of living is elevated. Here he, learns his first lesson in democracy ' To the trades unionist the immi grant has no romance. Whether he comes from ' sunny Italy or from -stormy Russia, he is looked upon as a workingman who needs help and who, in turn, may give help to those of his class. ''.'. , " .' ', ' '.: '' There has been no sentimentality about the job, but the union has sue (Continued on page 2.) f -