THE WAGEWORKER
WILL M. MAUPIN, EDITOR AND PUBLISHER
Types p-.-;j-cqwci
Published Weekly at 137 No. 14th St., Lincoln, Nebr. One Dollar a Year.
; Advertising Rates on Application.
Bntered as second-class matter April 21, 1904, at the postoffice at Lin
coln, Neb., under tbe Act of Congress of March 3rd, 1879.
WHERE THE REAL MENACE LIES.
The Wageworker has read with great interest what President
Gompers had to say about Chinese labor in his recent speech before
the American Federation of Labor convention at Pittsburg. It has
read with equal interest all that he and other labor leaders have
written upon this same subject. And after having done so The
Wageworker still refuses to grow hysterical in the face of the so
called yellow peril. We cheerfully admit that we are opposed to ad
mitting the Chinese in unrestricted numbers. We are opposed to
the repeal of the present Chinese exclusion laws. But Ave are not
among those who tremble with alarm at the mere mention of a
Chinaman or grow pale with fright at the sight of a coiled queue.
During forty years of time only 106,000 Chinamen have come
to American shores, and yet there are those, who stand aghast at the
presence of this little horde of Chinamen in this great country. We
are not one of them. We strenuously refuse to keep our eyes toward
the Golden Gate for the purpose of being frightened at the "yellow
peril." We are too busy watching a peril of another color in the
opposite direction.
Now, do not mistake The iW'ageworker's position. This paper
does not belong to the "Knownothing Clan." It does not take a bit
of stock in the silly cry of "America for Americans." But it does
stand pat on this proposition: That no man shall be admitted
to these shores who is unwilling or incapable of becoming imbued
with American ideas and American aspirations. We do not care a
fig what flag a man was born under but we do insist that the
American flag become his flag when he makes his home beneath it.
And while President Gompers and other leaders have been
throwing fits about a "yellow peril" that embraces only 100,000
Glinamen, a hundred times that number of white men have come
in on the other coast and present a "white peril" infinitely more
dangerous to the American republic. While the leaders in the labor
movement have been busy denouncing the "yellow peril" the cap
tains of industry have been importing filthy, diseased, ignorant, vi
cious Huns, Finns, ,t;lavs and Lithuanians by the hundreds of thou
sands, and these 1 ordes that can never be assimilated, never Ameri
canized, arc a menace to American1 institutions. These hordes live
like v?1'' '..casts, are driven like beasts and are used by conscience
less ' i.pital to beat down the standard of American wages and living
1 ) V..e level of the downtrodden laborers of the most benighted and
loesotted sections of Europe. If you think that The Wageworker
is exaggerating just take a jaunt through the mining districts of
Pennsylvania and West Virginia ; go slumming on the East Side in
New York, and investigate conditions in the mill towns of New
England. Even if they could be Americanized and unionized, the
captains of industry can and do import them faster than we can do
it. That is their object and aim. And they will make a success of it
as long as they can keep us in a hysterical frame of mind over the so
called "yellow peril."
The real menace lies not to the westward, but to the eastward.
It is not a yellow menace, but a white one.
WHY BERGER AND HAYES SHOULD QUIT.
Elsewhere in this issue J. C. L. (Wisely takes exceptions to The
Wageworker's remarks about Berger and Hayes, who are supposed
to represent the International Typographical Union in the Ameri
can Federation of Labor conventions. We are glad to give Mr.
Wisely space, for he writes interesting communications. But in
this instance he mistakes The Wageworker 's position. Messrs.
Berger and Hayes have a perfect right to preach socialism if they
want to, but for decency's sake they ought to resign as delegates to
the A. F. of L. before doing so oh the floor of that union. They have
no more right to advocate socialism on the floor of the American
Federation of Labor convention than the editor of The Wageworker
has to preach democracy or some other trades unionist to advocate
republican principles. Berger ami- Hayes were elected to represent
the International Typographical Union not to represent any politi
cal party. If they will represent their union as it should be repre
sented they will have no time left to preach their socialistic doctrine.
For one the editor of The Wageworker is growing almighty tired of
being compelled to share in paying the expense of a pair of delegates
who neglect the union's business to further the cause of a political
party. ' And that, too, in spite of the fact that the editor of The
Wageworker leans well towards socialism. If Berger and Hayes
were to devote their time, and take up the Federation's time, in
boosting Bryan or Roosevelt, Mr. Wisely would doubtless be among
the first to object. And yet it is just as proper to advocate republican
or democratic principles in a meeting of that kind as it is to advo
cate socialistic principles. We know our socialistic friends will de
ny this, but their denials will not change the fact. The truth is, the
Federation is no place for politics anyhow.
Perhaps some socialist in Lincoln will be kind enough to an
swer this question :
"If the socialist national ticket, including congress, should be
triumphant tomorrow, what would be the first thing on the pro
gram
CHIVALRY OF THE NEW SOUTH.
Wc hear a great deal about "chivalry" in connection with the
j-outh. and we also hear a great deal about "the new south." And in
view of what we see all that we hear makes us weary.
By a majority of six the southern gentlemen composing the
- senate of Georgia has defeated a bill prohibiting the employment
r in factories of children under l'i years of age. These Georgia gen
tlemen of "honah" think a whole lot more of dirty dollars than they
do of human souls.. That's the southern "chivalry" you hear so
much about. What is a child's life when compared with the little
old dollar that can be wrung from its tears and sufferings? These
Georgia gentlemen would scorn to steal. They would fight for the
honor of women, and they talk loud about their chivalry, but they
are willing to sacrifice the children in order to get a few paltry
dollars.
And Puritan New England, who owns most of the stock in
these Georgia factories, lifts its eyes to heaven and thanks God that
it is not as others are and while doing it bribes the aforesaid chiv
alric gentlemen to permit a continuation of child murder.
This talk about "southern chivalry" gives us a pain.
GOT THE UNION BUSTERS GUESSING.
The International Typographical Union has got the Business
Men's association guessing. The union has framed up a proposition
that the union busters are not acquainted with. The printers refuse
to violate the law, and as a result the union busters can not throw
anybody into jail. The printers obey the orders of the courts, no
matter how unjust those orders may be, and as a result they secure
public seiitiiVient iri their favor. Having grown wise by experience
the printers make no effort to entice the "blacksmiths" away from
the orint shops, but take the competent men and leave the incompe
tent ones to make further trouble for the employers. They have
met the employers' blacklist with a boycott that is as effectual as it is
within the bounds of law, and they are giving up money so cheer
fully and so abundantly that even the Post crowd of millionaire
manufacturers find themselves pinched to meet it dollar for dollar.
And the printers are organized, too organized far better than any
union that the Post crowd ever went up against before. There never
was a better planned fight than the one now being waged by the
International Typographical Union. The printers have been plan
ning for it and drilling for it every day for three years past. They
have overlooked nothing that would benefit their cause.
Winning? Don't you ever doubt it! They are 50,000 strong,
nd 45,000 of them are making good wages and furnishing the sinews
of -war, wvhjte:'less than 5,000 are affected by the battle. They are
making ttfe eight-hour fight for the whole body of organized labor,
and organized labor, 3,000,000 strong, is backing them up solidly.
They'll never beat that combination. Post may rant, and rave, Job
may fume and fret, Parry may weep and wail, and every Tray,
Blanche and Sweetheart of the union busting crowd may bay and
growl until it sours on their stomachs and yet the printers will win.
They will win because they are fighting for their lights.
Some of these days the Typothaete dupes of the Post crowd will
become wise to the situation, and then the battle will be over.
The average citizen of Lincoln pays more for riding on the Lin
coln Distraction company's lines than he does for gas. The Wage
worker is waiting for some daily newspaper to open up a campaign
for a "six-for-a-quarter" fare to accompany its dollar gas crusade.
The Wageworker would like to see both.
Judge Holdom issued an injunction that went farther than any
injunction had ever gone before and then went to St. Louis and
made a speech before the Perry Union Busting association in which
he bitterly attacked the labor unions. Laboring men are denounced
for having no respect for such judges.
John S. Bishop, the councilman who got into trouble by acting as
the legal representative of a railroad in a case that was before the
council of which he is a member, is the same John S. Bishop who
grew facetious when the union printers presented their label ordi
nance to the council.
The plans for the ''Rockefeller Temple" have been drawn. Mr.
Rockefeller will draw his dividends from it just as soon as the gift
begins to lull the conscience of the American people to sleep. The
acceptance of the Rockefeller "gift" is a blot on the fair name of
Nebraska.
The rich men who form the Antil-Child Lbaro League ought to
wake up and get into the game. Union men have been fighting child
labor for half a century, and all that has been accomplished along
that line has been accomplished by union men and women.
Havelock is moving to secure a Carnegie library. Carnegie's
money was wrung from the blood and tears and sweat of toiling men
and women. He may give millions away in his boasted philanthropy,
but all his millions can not make us forget Homestead.
Pat Crowe held up Ed Cudahy for $25,000 and is a hunted man.
Ed Cudahy has held up the American people for millions and is a
"captain of industry" and welcomed into high sassiety. 'Funny old
world, isn't it.? '
You can never make a good union man out of the fellow who
believes that the work that will pass muster is good enough. A good
union man will insist on doing his best.
The Wageworker feels so good, and so at peace with all the
world, that it honestly, and heartily wishes Charles W. Post a
Merry Christmas.
The 1907 session of the American Federation of Labor should
be held in Lincoln. And now is the time to begin laying the plans.
' -
Santa Claus will leave more in it if you are wise enough to
hang up a union made stocking. Santa Claus is no sweat-shopper.
United States Marshal Matthews should have violated the inter
state commerce law and secured a cabinet position.
Wouldn't it be glorious if Santa Claus should leave a labor
temple in Lincoln's Christmas stocking?
Imagine Santa Claus trying to cover all that territory on a diet
of Ghostum Squerrial and Gripe Guts!
It is a little early, but The Wageworker wishes its 2,500 readers
a Merry Christmas.
"TALKING POINTS" FOR ORGANIZED LABOR.
Rev. Charles Stelzle Gives Some Sound Advice to Unionists About
Their Arguments.
In arguing for the value of trade unions, the average friend of
organized labor frequently makes the mistake of discussing questions
which, are debatable, and concerning which there will probably al-
ways be a difference of opinion. No doubt these debatable ques
tions have their place in a full discussion of trades unionism, but for
the sake of a better understanding of the aims and objects of or
ganized labor, it would seem to be more tactful and more logical
to first talk about what it has accomplished. There are many mat
ters with which organized labor has to do, concerning which there
can be absolutely no dispute. Trades unionists would make more
friends for their cause among the public, if they presented more fre
quently the ethical value of their organizations.
tor instance, one might proclaim the fact that labor halls have
come to be important social centers. Here helpful lecture courses
on moral and economic subjects are frequently given. The labor
press has its educative value. Many of the labor journals; especially
those published by Internationals, give courses in technical train
ing. A real moral uplift comes through the regular meetings of the
union, because a man must present his facts in a definite, tangible
form, if he hopes to win over his associates to his beliefs, Every
man has a fair chance to preach these views, no matter how unpop
ular they may be:. Nowhere does a man get a more patient hearing
than at a labor union meeting. Here, too, he learns the lesson of sub
ordination to the wills of others. He learns the value of "team
work" of co-operation.
In the labor movement the workmgman learns the lesson of
thrift. Rarely does a trades unionist apply to organized charity
or any other form of charity for relief. Talk about the value of the
trades union as a force for temperance. You can easny make a
strong argument in this direction. The question of the education
and the Americanization of the immigrant must be discussed in fa
vor of the trades union. The report of the labor commissioner in
the Bulletin of January, 1905, clearly proves this.
Child labor, the sweat shop, unsanitary conditions in shop and
home, are all questions concerning which trades unionism need not
be ashamed to speak.
Having clearly established these points, it will be easier to dis
cuss the measures through which these ends have been and shall be
secured.
An intelligent presentation of the broader work of organized
labor must win to its support the thousands of impartial men and
women whose endorsement will be of great value to the cause.
SB
THE NON-UNIONIST'S DEBT TO UNIONISM.
(William J. Bryan, in The Commoner.)
Just now the employers association is trying to create
friction and antagonism between union and non-union labor.
There should be no antagonism, for the benefits of union
ism are enjoyed by all labor. Nearly all the increase in
wages, nearly all the reduction in hours, nearly all the im
provement in the conditions surrounding employment can
be traced to the efforts of organized labor. Take away the
labor organization and the condition of the artisans of the
country would soon become unbearable. That the . labor
leaders make mistakes can not be denied but can we ex
pect perfection of human beings? Strikes have been called
for insufficient reason and have some times been accom
panied by violence, but the remedy is not to be found in
making the employe fight his battle single handed but
in the selection of more discreet and more reliable leaders.
We do not despair of self government because some pub
lic officials are convicted of ' grafting' and 'boodling ; we
punish the guilty and exercise more care in picking pub-
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The Moral:
Light Your Home With Gas.
A Comfortable Kitchen Maketh a
Contented Housewife
The Moral:
Use a Gas Range for Cooking.
A Contented Housewife Maketh a
Home Full of Cheer.
The Moral:
Give Her Modern Kitchen Conveniences.
Brighten up the home with new Gas Fixtures.
A Gas Range is cheaper and more convenient
than a coal range. Gas is cheaper and cleaner
than kerosene and safer. A Gas Range never
explodes. A Gas Water Heater saves time and
money. Economy in health is better than
Economy in Money Matters. The use of Gas
Saves Time and Labor.
A Bright Fire Maketh a Home Most
Attractive.
The Moral:
Use Gas Coke in the Baseburner.
OAS COKE contains
more heat units per
pound than any coal.
It is cheaper and cleaner. It
is made in Lincoln.
Our exhibition rooms con
tain a full line of Gas Rang
es, Water Heaters, Radia
tors, etc., in actual operation
Call and see them Open
evenings.
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Lincoln Gas and i
Electric Light Co.
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