LA FOLLETTE TO HAVE NO SHOW IN G. O. P. CONVENTION
'Voters in
No Mood to
Elect Him
Senator’s “War Record” Be
ing Forgotten, But People
Cringe Before His Mor
dant Bitterness.
Is Hope of Few Radicals
By MARK SULLIVAN.
Whoever else may or may not run
for the republican presidential nomi
nation; whether there are to be sev
eral opponents to Coolidge in the field,
or whether there will not; regardless
of what Pinchot does, or Johnson
does, or anybody else—under any and
all conditions, there is one forceful
figure who will challenge Coolidge
and make whatever progress he can
against him. That is La Follette.
That the progress he can make
must with practical certainty be small
will not affect La Follette’s deter
mination to run. La Follette is not
bound/by leaders’ agreements, formal
or informal, tentative or permanent-.
He goes his own gait and shakes a
defiant fist at the whole universe of
understandings, agreements or rules.
La Follette Is a self-willed, mordant
man, with an immensely dynamic
»<i^paclty for the pursuit of self-gen
r ' erated purposes. It can be taken
Tor granted that La Follette will be
one man who will contest Coolidge'e
nomination, even if there should be
no other. If it should be clear on
the opening day that Coolidge will be
nominated and if his nomination
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would be unanimous except for La
Follette. La Follette would grimly
order his Wisconsin delegates to cast
their votes for himself. Unanimity
doesn’t interest La Follette. Repub
lican solidarity—the sentiment that
would go with nominating Coolidge
unanimously on the first "ballot—all
such considerations would have no
interest for La Follette whatever. So
far as he pays any attention to una
nimity anywhere or under any cir
cumstances it is to be distrustful
of it. To cast a solitary vote at the
last ditch is for La Follette a kind
of luxury of martyrdom.
That La Follette will run is cer
tain; the only aspect of his participa
tion in the situation of 1024 that lends
Itself to speculate is how far he will
get. He will probably have the 28
delegates from his own state of Wis
consin, as he has had them, or the
bulk of them, in every tepublican na
tional convention for several years
past. Dependent on who else is in
the field, he may also have some
delegates from nearby states like
Michigan, Minnesota, North Dakota
and a few more distant.
Would Poo] Candidacies. „
At one time some months ago the
actual plan of the more extreme pro
gressives and radicals, of whom La
Follette is the avowed leader, was to
pool the candidacies of such men as
they may be able to persuade to join
them in a common effort. Their plan
was to have La Follette try to get the
delegates from Wisconsin at least;
for Brookhart of Kenyon to try to get
the delegates from Iowa, and for
other men identified with the group
to run in the states where their power
is greatest.
Out of the aggregate of these indi
vidual candidacies it wais the hope of
this group to get the maximum num
ber of delegates and to use these dele
gates as a group. Xhe limitation of
this process is the limitation of the
number of men who are willing to
take part In It. That number is very
small. It will be confined to the more
extreme radicals. Borah will hove no
part in it; neither will Johnson nor
any of the other progressives who
have real and formidable strength
among the people. If any of thesd
latter men ever run for the repub
lican nomination at all they will do
so on the broad basis of their indi
vidual personalities and the things
they personally stand for. Far from
permitting themselves to become
parts of a combination acting In any
such way as this, they will he care
ful to avoid identification with this
extreme fringe. Probably the men
named—La. Follette and either Ken
yon or Brookhart—would be all who
could he enlisted In this project of
the La Follette group. And the ex
treme number of delegates they can
hope to assemble by this pooling of
interest would not be more than 100
or 150 out of a total of more than
1,000. Possibly, Indeed, this plan of
pooling the radical candidacies may
he abandoned, or may already have
been abandoned. At the time it wae'
first devised—I think it was Brook
hart who first thought of it—there
was a good deal of confident excite
ment nbout it, but the writer has
heard little of it lately, possibly be
cause of the emphatic discouragement
encountered from some of the men
invited to join the pool.
War Record Recalled.
La Follette today does not begin
to ha^e the following he had when
he was a pioneer of the old progres
sive movement of 10 to 20 years ago.
The public has come to think of him
as having a bitter strain. It la prob
ably not using too strong a word to
say that among the overwhelming ma
jority of the people La Follette Is
unpopular. This unpopularity is by
no means solely due to what is often
called with dubious accuracy his "war
record." It is a matter of common
knowledge that at one time during
the war there was a tendency to
make La Follette a pariah among his
fellow senators, that there was actu
ally a movement to expel him from
the senate, and that. In addition to
this formal gesture toward outlawing
him, there was a disposition equally
painful, possibly more painful to the
victim of It—a disposition to make
La Follette a social outcast in the
senate.
If this so-called “war record" were
the only cause of La Follette's un
popularity he might safely count upon
recovering from It. The only ques
tion he would need to consider would
he the number of years It might take
him to live it down and whether he
Is still young enough to hope to be
the beneficiary of the ultimate with
drawal of this Intolerance. La Fol
lette is getting up in years. He no
longer gives his age in the autobio
graphy in the congressional directory'
He Is 68.
To dissent from your nation's par
ticipation in a foreign war is al
ways a certain title to acute disap
proval so long as the war last*. But
It is equally certain that disapproval
based on this cause only can evap
orate so soon as wartime passion
dies down. Of this law of puhllo life
there are two extraordinarily plctur
(*que, almost romantic, examples In
England.
In Great Britain's management of
the recent war it had two statesmen
who were clearly outstanding as Its
most /.-onsplcuous and most useful.
One was Lloyd George. Lloyd
George was Britain's outstanding
wartime leader. And yet, 16 years
previous, when Great Britain was en
gaged in another war. with the Boers,
Lloyd George's role was then a viv
idly contrasting one. In that cnrller
war Lloyd George was the kind of
outenst that some of us tried to make
La Follette. In the Boer war 16
years before Lloyd George, then a
memiier of the house of commons,
took the position that It was un un
just war on the part of his country
and that its attack on the Boers wna
ari act of shame. Ho violent was
he In his denunciation of Great Brit
ain's going to war, ami his opposition
to It continuing It, that on one occa
sion when he attempted to make a
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speech at Manchester he was attacked
by a mob with such fury that the
police seized him and hastily put him
in a policeman’s coat and helmet
to hurry him away from the angry
crowd.
Smuts Faced Hard Tasks.
The other of Great Britain’s two
most useful statesmen in the recent
war—one to whom some of the most
difficult tasks of diplomacy were en
trusted—was Gen. Jan Smuts. And
In the Boer war Smuts had been an
enemy in arms of the British empire,
one of the leaders of the Boers. (It
was as an enemy of the British em
pire that Smuts got his title of gen
eral.)
During the recent war, on an occa
sion when the writer was in London,
he had an experience which will al
ways remain With him as one of the
most dramatic of his memories, an
experience that appealed powerfully
to the Imagination in its suggestion
of bigness in an individual, Genernl
Smuts; and bigness also in the spirit
of the British empire.
The writer was one of the guests
at a dinner party of which the host
was General Smuts. Another of the
guests was in military uniform, an
active general in the British army.
During the course of the dinner this
active British general told a story
which, summarized and condensed,
was in effect as follows:
sixteen years ago, ne said, "i
was a young captain In the British
army. I was serving in the Boer war
in South Africa. One day my men
captured some Boer prisoners and
brought them In to me. In my talk
with the Boer prisoners the*’ spoke of
being especially proud of the leader
in whose command they had been
when they were captured. They said
their commander was not only a man
of great military skill, but was a
highly educated man. After some talk
of this kind I asked these Boer cap
tives where their commander was.
They said he was not far away,
across a stream. After getting such
information ns I could about the loca
tion of the Boer commander, I went
to some of my own soldiers, borrowed
a rifle, went out and scouted about
until I located that Boer emmander.
Having spotted him, I took as careful
aim ns I was capable of taking and
shot at him. To my discredit as a
soldier, be it said that I missed him
entirely. But tonight I am very glad
I missed him, for that Boer comman
der was our present host, General
Smuts, who Is now giving the high
est service to the British empire. Gen
eral Smuts," the teller of the story
concluded, "has never heard this
story until tonight, and l ain glad to
tell it, here and now, as an incident
of giving testimony to his services to
the British empire in the present
war.”
It would be hard to find In history
a parallel to General Smuts' experi
ence in passing within 16 years from
being an enemy In arms of the Brit
ish empire In one war to being one
of its two or three most trusted snd
most able statesmen in Its next war.
Personality Is Barrier.
Dissent from his nation's attitude
in time of war Is no necessarily long
continuing handicap to a stateman's
position. In La Follette's enso it lias
almost been forgotten already.
But the country has been impress
ed with something strident, something
high-pitched and shrill, a touch of
mordant bitterness in La Follette
which makes many, even including
some ardent progressives, shrink a
little at the thought of putting him
in the White House. It is this qual
ity of the impression La Follette has
given the country of his personality
that is his chief handicap, rather than
anything about his war record. So
far as the war record goes. La Fol
lette, largely as the result of acci
dent, has been treated unfairly. It Is
generally admitted now that there was
nothing either In La Follette's acts
or In his utterances which justified
that movement to expel him from the j
senate, which wns on# of the least
happy Incidents of our war-time exal
tation.
Because La Follette Is the formal
leader of the Insurgent republican
group In the senate and house and
of Its following throughout the coun
try It Is quite certain that the more
aggressive spirits within that group
will try to get the republican presi
dential nomination for him. That ef
fort, however, cannot be looked upon
today as having even a remote possi
bility of success. The present spirit
of sullen unrest throughout the dbun
try would have to become In the
space of the coming few months al
most revolutionary in order to give
La Follette the faintest chance. And,
while there are persons who antici
pate that the present discontent may
become more acute, the writer knows
no one who predicts that It will go
far enough to give La Follette the
remotest chnnce of nomination. In
deed, It would be safe to wager that
of the entire 1,03(1 delegates who will
compose the next republican conven
tion La Follette will not have at the
outside more than a tenth. He will
probably have, ns he has had In sev
eral previous conventions, the bulk
of Wisconsin's 26 delegates. In ad
dition he may possibly have scatter
ed groups of a few delegates from
some other states, like Michigan and
Nebraska. Hut it Is hardly conceiv
able that I si Follette should be nblo
to muster In all more than a hundred.
Such hopes as the Insurgent repub
licans at one time had of capturing
the presidential nomination next year
rested largely on a belief they held
two or three years ago, that during
the Intervening period they could
greatly extend or even make univer
sal the "presidential primary" system
of selecting delegates to the national
convention. But the recent legisla
tive year in the vurlous states came
and went without n«y extension of
tho direct primary rfystom. On the
contrary, in sonte states it was re
pealed or modified In a direction
looking toward repeal.
Direct lYlmary l.nsrs Drntind.
The direct pritnnry system Is suf
ficiently general to make nearly
everybody familiar with the dletlnc
tlon between It and the old method
of choosing delegatee. Doth the presi
dential primary and the old method
have a variety of forma In different
•tale*. I(nt. broadly epeeking, the
distinction la that under the old meth
od the delegates to national rnnven
turns are chonen cither Dy Informal
caucuses or by some other loose
method which give* great power to
the local party leaders. Indeed. It la
not loo much lo say that under the
old system the delegates to the na
tional convention are chosen largely
by wuys which, whatever the vurln
Uona In different stales, amount In ef
feet to being what the politelans call
"hand picked" by the party lenders.
It was precisely to take this power
away from the local lenders that the
presidential primary was devised.
(The system was put into effect large
ly ns an Incident of—and for the pur
pose of—getting the 1912 nomination
for Roosevelt as against Taft. who. in
obedience to the tradition that every
president is entitled to renominution
for a second term, was the choice of
the leaders.) The presidential pri
mary, while it varies greatly In form,
has as its essential characteristic the
choice of delegates to the national con
ventions by direct vote of the people
In an election which is surrounded
with the same formal statutory safe
guard as the general elections.
The presidential primary system,
from the momentum it got in the
Roosevelt fight of 1912, spread to such
an extent that it covered almost half
the states and almost half the dele
gates. (The exact number of delegates
now subject to the presidential pri
mary method of selection is 465 out of
a total of 1,036.) With the passing >f
Roosevelt and the urngresslve party,
the presidential primary not only lost
its forward momentum, but began to
slip baekwnrd. In various states, nota
bly Minnesota and Maine, formal ac
tion has been taken, sometimes suc
cessful and sometimes only partially
so, looking toward a return In one de
gree or another to the old convention
system of selecting delegates. In
stead of spreading further, the direct
primary Is actually receding. This is
perhaps a sign of the ebbing of the
sort of thing for which La Follette
stands.
Mrs. Harding May
Plant First Tree
Lima, O., Nov. 3.—Mrs. Warren (3.
Harding, widow of the late president,
writes: "Nothing, I think, could have
pleased him more,” in her letter reg
istering appreciation of the memorial
project and announcing the desire to
accept an invitation to plant the first
tree in Allen county's living memorial
to the late President Harding.
If Mrs. Harding can he present, the
first of the 6.000 elms to be planted
on either side of the Harding high
way, across Allen county, will he
planted by her on Arbor day, next
April, on the court house lawn here.
A pinch of cream of tartar in with
the other ingredients will prevent
fudge from sugaring.
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Simms to Dedicate
. Benson Pipe Organ I
J. H. Simms.
The new $3,300 pipe organ Just in
stalled In the Benson Methodist
church, at Sixty-third and Maple
streets, will be dedicated at 8 Thurs
day evening by J. H. Simms, for
many years organist at All Saints
church.
The following Is the program:
Tone Picture—On the Const.Buck
Cantilena .Orison
To a Water Lily .MacDowell
8ea Sony .MacDowell
A. D. Ib20 . McDowell
Prof. J. H. SI in ins.
Vocal Solo—Selected.
Dr. (ieoryo Saltzgiver.
Song From the East.Cyril S-ott
Romance . Honnett
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Funeral March and Hymn of the
Seraphs .Qullmant
Prof. J. II. Simms.
Vocal Solo—So let led.
Dr. George Saltzgiver.
Gavotte .Wesley
Legend .Cod man
Finale .Matthews
Prof J H Simms.
Cahhage Men to Meet
Columbus, Nov. 3. — Representa
tives of cabbage growers In all the
Important cabbage growing states in
the country are expected to attend
tho co-operative marketing confer
ence to be held in Toledo Novem
ber 5.
Unique Tests
for Chicago’s
Speed Fiends
Judge Asks Them if They’re
Married or Single and How
Well Educated—Church
, Attendance Required.
Chicago, Nov. 3.—Marriage, age
and progress in school are determin
ing factors In the making of a speeder,
to Judge from questions directed to
defendants in speeders' court here by
D. J. Jones, city physician.
Dr. Jones has Inaugurated a series
of psychoanalytic tests for those
brought into court. He asks:
1. How old are you?
2. Your ocupation?
3. How far did you go in school?
4. What kind of a car do you
drive?
5. Married or single?
Under the doctor's tests each case
is presented to him as well as to
the judge. The first subject was El
mer Nelson, 21, a painter, who gasped
when he heard Dr. Jones pronounce
him "a subnormal type.’’
The defendant, according to the po
lice, spun across a crossing at a 37
mile-an-hour clip, swerving and strik
ing three other cars. Nelson admitted
having had "a couple of drinks of
home brew ” Nelson was horrified
when Dr. Jones turned to the Judge
and said:
"Thi.s is the most dangerous type
of driver. This man Is totally unbal
anced. His reasoning faculties are di
minished und his responsibility is a
zero when influenced by alcohol." The
court agreed with the physician and
fined the prisoner $300 and put him on
probation for a year. Under its terms
he must not take a drink'for a year
and he must attend religious services
each Sunday.
"Most traffic violators are sub
normal persons." Dr. Jones said. "I
propose to continue these tests In this
court and give my report to Mayor
Dover and Chief of Police Collins with
a view to reducing the number of
violations."
One of the most serious complexes
developed by drivers of high priced
automobiles, according to the tests, is
that they consider themselves above
the drivers of flivvers and the like
and addents result when they at
tempt to encourage this strange hal
lucination.
Pastor Says Sex
Not Foul Cellar
London, Nov. 3.—"Sex js not a
foul cellar In the houses of our lives,"
declared Dr. Douglas White, In an
amazingly frank paper which he read
before the English conference of
Modern Churchmen.
In the past both good and bad peo
ple believed that sexual processes
partook of the nature of sin, Dr.
White said. "But,” he continued,
"sex Is not a foul cellar in the houses
of our lives. On the contrary. It i'
clear that sex is (he central force i
the heightening of-human charade.
“So far from being a degrading in
fluence, it is that which beautifies
human life at every stage, especial!',
at the period of puberty, when inaniv
and womanly qualities blossom Inn.
the full independence of life, with
beauty of body, character and spirit
“Lovers read the secrets of nature
and their love reaches all but lm
mediate contact with God: but 1<
make the glimpse Into a Bteady vision
the spiritual element must guide t!..
physical."
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