Ford Must Be Reckoned With in McAdoo s Presidential Boom
Rift Would
Blast Hope
of Winning
Support of Auto Maker Will
Swing to Ex-Treasurer in
Convention, Sullivan
Predicts.
Coolidge Course Clear
MARK SULLIVAN.
' Washington, Sept. 8.—The most
formidable organization working for
any democratic presidential nomina
tion Is the one behind McAdoo. But,
energetic as that organization Is, It
is difficult to foresee how It can come
to the convention with more than a
maximum of 400 to 450 out of the
total of 1,094 delegates. With that
large proportion, if the McAdoo can
didacy were within the republican
par^r he would be almost assured of
winning. But the Important differ
ence between the republican rule and
the democratic rule Is that, whereas
In a republican convention a majority
is sufficient to nominate. In a demo
cratic convention, on the other hand,
It requires two-thirds. And two-thirds
Is a proportion extremely difficult to
achieve even by the most diligent or
ganizauon.
Under these circumstances there Is
one bit of policy which. If McAdoo's
friends are willing and able to follow
It, will go further than any other one
factor toward bringing the difference
between McAdoo's potential 400 dele
gates and the necessary 730. That
policy would be for McAdoo’s friends
to avoid Irritating Ford's friends. If
McAdoo can go through the prenomin
ation campaign In the various states
without causing friction with Ford's
friends, McAdoo might then be In a
position to be the beneficiary of
Ford’s strength in the convention
after Ford has been eliminated. There
Is much that makes this jJolicy possi
ble. The advocates are largely the
same kind of people. Both groups
belong In that Immense area which
is not conservative In the standpat
ter sense, but at the same time Is also
distinguished from the radical fringe.
Danger of Antagonism.
The hopes of those who would like
to see the things done which they
think McAdoo would do If he were
president, and the hopes of those who
have the same feeling about Ford,
are largely Identical. In the circum
stances It would seem easily possible
for Ford and McAdoo to carry on
their preconvention campaigns with
out friction. But this Is another of
those political theories which look
well on paper but which are difficult
to carry 6ut In practice. Inevitably
In several states where primaries oc
cur there will be contest* between
Ford delegates and McAdoo delegates.
Such contests are almost Impossible
to carry on In local districts without
developing personal antagonism.
Frequently the rule is for such anta
gonisms to go to such lengths that
when the convention arrives the In
dividual delegate*, having had their
feelings stirred up, are more disposed
to do what would hinder than what
would aid the other principal con
tender. And yet. If there were among
the McAdoo leaders a man of suf
ficient bigness and patience to arrive
at some kind of understanding be
tween the Ford strength and the Mc
Adoo strength, that would constitute
*he most important single Increment
to McAdoo’s present chances than he
could possibly have. It Is the under
standing of such Intangible factors
as this and the ability to control
them advantageously that make
practical politics an art.
Coolldge, as the leading possibility
for the republican nomination, Is In
a stronger position than most persons
realize. All the disinterested politi
cians realize It. It Is only those who
themselves would like to be candi
dates or the friends of such who al
low their Judgment to be clouded
about the strength of Coolldge’s po
sition.
Coolldge Sure Choice.
.Any politician who la astute as well
as disinterested will say In confidence
that Coolldge Is sure to get the nomi
nation unless ha makes some' kind of
spectacular mistake. As some of them
put It, “Coolldge has JO days to make
good.” That limitation of time is ac
curate. If there are to be other candi
dates January 1 is about the Inst prac
ticable day for them to make their an
nouncements. If any future announce
ments develop they will appear about
the time of the assembling of con
gress, the first Monday In December.
If Coolldge has made a favorable Im
pression on the public by that time
no other candidate, however eager he
or his friends may be, can announce
opposition to him.
“There may he favorite-son move
ments In behalf of minor candidates
like J,a Follette or there may be other
movementa chiefly for purposes of
local political strategy, hut hardly any
definite movement on the part of any
formidable candidate to take the nom
lnatlon away from Coolldge.
It Is aolely by avoiding mistakes,
by making a good record, that Cool
ldga can get the nomination. Ha can
not get it by any kind of manipula
tion, and he has enough political wis
dom not to attempt It. There la no
powerful clique In the republican na
tional commute* that want* Coolldge
nominated for personal ends. There
are no politicians close to Coolldge.
He has no “pals.” You can search
all Washington and all the republican
national committee without finding
one politician or one man In public
life who has to Coolldge the sort of
relation that Daugherty hnd to Hard
lng. His one Intimate friend, Frank
lin Stearns of Boston, Is not a politi
cian. If Mr. Stearns knows any pol
itics at all he has picked It up from
Coolldge. Stearns’s relation to Cool
When in Omaha Stop at
Hotel Rome
Idge Is less a political relation than a
benevolent, almost fatherly, one.
Under No Obligation.
There are many republicans politi
cians who think that Coolidge’s nomi
nation Is Inevitable or who regard It
as desirable, assuming that he makes
no mistakes. But there are no politi
cians who want to see Coolldge nomi
nated because it will help them per
sonally.
To the same degree that Coolldge
has no individual political sponsors or
political friends, so also is he with
out obligations to any politician.
There was only one man in public
life who had the sort of relation to
less. The farmers think of them
selves ns .having economic interests
antagonistic to those of the manu
facturers in the east. In this conflict
they insist that whoever is not for
them is against thems For the mo
ment they tend to think C'oolidge may
be with them.
Coolldge No Baron.
» They base this on that dramatic
picture in which Coolldge took the
oath of office in his father's Vermont
farmouse; on the simplicity of
Coolidgc's life, and on the fact that
he Is known to be poor. But never
theless there is among the farmers a
wish to make sure that Coolldge does
I
WilliaTt? 6ikW\
UcAaoQ
A+~
Coolldge that might create obliga
tions on Coolldge'* part. That man is
now dead. He was former Senator
Murray Crane of Massachusetts.
When Coolldge was a young man In
Massachusetts politics Crane was an
experienced one. Crane picked Cool
idge as a winner and in many ways
puchcd him along. Since Crane's
death there Is no man In politics,
either In Massachusetts or throughout
the country, who has the feeling that
Coolidge is under obligations to him
or the feeling that his word ought
to go further with Coolldge than that
of any one else.
If Coolidge, or Coolldge’.* advocates,
should survey the situation with the
desire of doing everything possible
to make his nomination secure they
would Inevitably focus their thoughts
on the western farmer. Everybody
knows that at the time of Harding's
death there was widespread insurgen
cy In the republian party. The body
of.that Insurgency was in the farm
ing west. The farmers had come
without any Justification to think that
Harding was identified with what
they regard as the city classes who
exploit them, it was not true at all.
Harding, because of things he did
during the railway strike a year ago
and for other reasons, was fully ns
much out of favor with what Is called
Wall street as he was with the farmer.
This Insurgency among the repub
lican farming state* still exists. Out
of sense of fairness it refrains from
expressing open suspicion of Cool
idge. But Coolidge is under close
scrultiny from the farmers, neverthe
not belong to what the farmers think
of as the caste of New England manu-.
facturing barons. The political think
ing of the farmers goes back to the
days of the leadership of men like
the late Senator Aldrich of Rhode
Island, and they tend to think of
themselves as being exploited through
the republican party by the manufac
turers who, in their minds, they lo
cate In New England. If Coolldge
manages to make the farmers under
stand that he Is not Identified with
the manufacturing caste, and that ne
is sympathetic to the farmer. It will
eliminate what is almost the only
present obvious obstacle to his re
nomination.
Aside from this. Coolldge, to make
good, has merely to avoid mistakes.
And Coolldge In his long political!
career has never made any mistakes.
Coolldge's position is stronger than,
Harding's because the former starts!
with a clean slate. Harding was un- i
der the handicap of all the liabilities
that had accrued to him during two
and a half years. It would have been
much more difficult for Harding to
create the Impression of inevitability
than it Is for Coolldge. Apart from
Now!
i
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Now Is the
Time to Act i
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the facta Inherent In the way Cool
Ulgo came to the presidency, he Is
also the beneficiary of widespread
goodwill. All the politicians who come
to Washington report the people
throughout the country as being dis
posed to cheer Coolldge on. All In
all, only soms striking mistake of a
sort to bring about widespread pub
lic disapproval, or else some unfor
tunate trend of events beyond Cool
Idge’s control, can prevent his being
in a position next December such
that all other potential candidates
will hesitate to announce themselves.
Change After Nomination.
Of course, "making good” to the
extent of getting the republican
nomination and "make good” to the
extent of winning the subsequent
election are quite different things. By
merely avoiding mistakes Coolldge
can perpetuate the present situation,
In which no other candidate can find
the opportunity or the excuse to op
pose hln* until such time os it will
be too late for any one else to
"throw his hat in the ring.” But as
regards the election, Coolldge has no
such safeguards. There will be a
democratic candidate in the natural
course of events. Whereas the pub
lic feels It would be a kind of gra
tuitous criticism for any other re
publican to contest the nomination
with Coolldge, they will have no such
feeing about the subsequent election.
After the two nominations are made
Coolldge will cease to be the benefi
ciary of the factors that favor him
now. He and his party will neces
sarily be on the defensive, and the
outcome will be determined by the
merits of the issues and by condi
tions as they happen to be during
the summer of 1924.
One of two things is certain. Either
congress, during the early months of
its coming session, will take such
drastic action for the restrictions of
immigration as will satsify the coun
try, or, In the lack of that, the plat
forms of both political parties next
year will call for this drastic action.
There Is no sentiment more wide
spread in the country today than
the feeling that more aliens are now
in America than we can absorb, that
the additional aliens coming in are
largely undesirable, and that dearly
cherished American institutions,
traditions and customs are menaced.
America Gets Wreckage.
If the experience of the various
United States senators—more than a
quarter of the entire body—and the
other public men who have spent any
portion of this summer In Europe
are anything like the experience of
the present writer these public men
will come home affected by a feeling
about immigration in addition to that
already existing at home. Practical
ly every American official abroad,
American consuls and the like, who
talk about Immigration at all talk of
It in terms of’ alarm. Again and
again one heard American officials
say. In effect: "For Heaven's sake,
go hack and wake America up to the
kind of Immigration it is getting. We
can't talk because we are officials.
Go down and look at It yourself on
the docks and see If you want Amer
ica filled up with the sort of human
beings you find there. America has
no notion either of the kind or the
quantity of persons who are coming
into America by hook or crook.”
Not only is the bulk of the Immigra
tion coming in by ordinary channels
unsatisfactory. In addition, there Is
a large amount of ''bootlegging” irn
migration which the American people.
If they knew about It, would keep
out as rigidly as they would keep out
an epidemic. Among other devices,
our laws are evaded by persons who
move to countries close to our bor
ders nnd some In surreptitiously. In
one foreign city recently the land
lord of the building In which the
American consul had his offices re
quested him to move because of the
kind of crowds who came for pass
port vises.
Mum on Foreign Policy.
Everybody expects that foreign re
lations In one form or another will
be an Issue In next year’s presiden
tial election. But the present writer,
although he has talked with scores of
political leaders In both parties, has
found no one who pretends to be able
to foresee what form the foreign re
lations issue will take. Broadly speak
ing, the republicans will be on the
side of isolation. It is quite possible
that they may put forward Harding’s
proposal that we Join the Interna
tional court as their only affirmative
attitude in regard to Europe. Even
to do this will encounter some oppo
sition. There is throughout the re
publican party, and especially In the
republican national committee, deter
mined opposition to everything in the
foreign field, determined clinging to
the isolation position. For the repub
licans to phrase their position on
foreign affairs In such a way as to
give them any dignity Is going to be
most difficult.
With the democrats, as things
stand today, the situation Is not much
easier. There are many democrats, as
there are many republicans, who keep
their faith in the league of nations.
But there is hardly any democrat,
thinking In terms of winning the elec
tion next year, who would favor go
ing back to the old Wilson position on
the league of nations. In a popular
sense, just now. In America as well as
In Europe, the league of nation* la
In eclipse. Only some dramatic ac
tion on the part of the league or
■uch vital and moving leadership as
Wilson gave to It can revive the
league of nations us a political Issue
In such a way as to make It promise
success for a political party.
May Be Different.
All of this Is of the situation today.
By a year from now the whole Euro
pean situation may have been changed
in such a way as to present new Is
sues. In one conceivable turn of
events, If the present attempts to set
tle the Ruhr situation and fix repara
tions should succeed, all Europe might
leap forward In an Industrial activity
which would reflect Itself In Amer
ica. In another conceivable turn of
events Europe may go from bad to
worse and there may be a year from
now a situation from which we can
no more abstain, either in self-respect
or In self-interest, than we were able
to avoid being Involved In the war
In 1917.
To speak In terms of the European
situation next year Is to come close
to the question of what American bus
lness conditions are going to be a year
from now. Stated In the broadest way.
the fundamental fact Is that you can
not have such an Industrial paralysis
as now exists In the Ruhr, which Is
the heart of European Industry, with
out ultimately Infecting the rest of
the world. Sooner or later there must
come a time when America's business
activity will be less than what It
might have been because of what has
l>een happening In Europe since the
first of January. And yet there are
curious qualifications or tnn runat
mental fact which up to date have de- .
feated the predictions of the soundea'^
economists and business men. Amer
ican business activity has seen during
the present year a greater volume
than ever before.
Business Goes Elsewhere.
The fact Is that paralysis of oen
tral Europe has set up curious un
anticipated currents. It Is true that
because Germany and much of the
rest of Europe have been patalyzed
Industrially, they have been unable to
buy American goods on a normal
basis to the extent that might other
wise have been possible. But If
paralysis has caused Europe to
cease to be a purchaser It has to ths
sume degree caused Europe to ceass
to be a manufacturer and exporter.
The result has been that America has
secured a certain amount of business
In South America and in Asia which
would have gone to Europe If Europe
had been on a normal basis. There
are some American business men
who believe that American business
In South America and Asia will go
on and Increase and absorb America’s
normal capacity. These business men
are willing to take the most gloomy
view of Europe's future, to assent to
It that Europe will ceaae to be a
Urge consumer of American prod
ucts. but. nevertheless, to believe
that the Increase of business In
South America and Asia will leave
the United States no less well off.
Nineteen thousand Insects are re
quired to make one pound of cochi
neal dye. Only the bodies of the fe
males are used.
BEE WANT ADS BRING RESl’ITS
There is e±hifi>4
snnnhade m cool
Perhaps you have wondered who pays the bill for the coal
that is lost in transit or the “fine” coal that is screened
out before delivery, or the loss that results from trans
ferring coal from railroad cars and bins into the delivery
trucks.
Shrinkage is a real “cost” item in the retail coal business.
Two to four tons per freight car is often the difference
in the weights “billed” and the weights “received.”
Your coal dealer must stand these losses.
Overhead expense in the retail coal busness must in
clude “shrink,” office and yard rents, office supplies,
salaries to employes, sales expense, taxes and a hundred
and one other items—and yet the gross margin of profit
in the Retail Coal Business is smaller than that of almost
any other line of retail business.
THE ASSOCIATED RETAILERS
OF OMAHA
Watch this series of Coal Bulletins.
They are being published that you may
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