► Albert Lasker to Support Hiram Johnson for
Nomination to Presidency
Senator Likely
to Make Issue of
Court Proposal
Shipping Board Chairman to
Espouse Cause of Cali
fornian in 1924 Race
for Office.
My MARK SULLIVAN.
Washington, Aug. 18.—On the day
after Harding's death one of the prej*
associations printed an article deal
ing with the change* wrought by that
i vent in the republican presidential
situation. It was well informed and
comprehensive. In the course of it
the following passages occurred. They
are condensed and rearranged in their
order for the sake of making them
dear in the necessarily abbreviated
form in which they are reproduced
here:
"Six months ago the renomination
of President Harding without any
substantial contest seemed assured.
"Word had come to Harding that
one of the men who was looked upon
as a principal contender had said he
found himself without an issue upon
which to run. and a close friend of
ihe same prospective contender de
• lared that he would undertake to
guarantee that the former would not
ao into a single state on the stump
as a candidate seeking delegates to
the convention. The men who had
been the principal hackers of the con
lender referred to had become devoted
Irlends and, in fact, parts of the Hard
ing administration machinery, and
ihe clouds all appeared to be out of
the sky.
“The president’s pronouncement for
entry of the United States into thf
world court, however, altered the sit
uation materially, and during the last
few weeks there had come definite in
formation through the mysterious
channels by which political captains
maintain their intelligence systems
that all was not going to be as clear
sailing as had been expected in the
republican national convention of
1 !)24, and there might be a contest af
ter all
Court Became Issue.
“The contender who had once told
Mr. Harding’s friends and supporters
that he feared he found himself with
out an issue on which to fight the
president for the nomination sought
out the same men and told them that
Ids previous declaration to them was
all off and that he believed he had
lound the issue; that he was out for
ihe republican presidential nomina
tion it a little further investigation
convinced him he had a chance to get
it, and that he probably would enter
every state having a presidential
preference primary seeking delegates.
“Naturally, that upset tie Harding
friends and adviser* and how much,
if at ail, it upset the president's
plans is not known in Washington be
- atise he was in Alaska when the de
velopment came about, but word was
sent to him Informing him fully.
"All these developments threw po
litical plans awry, and now the sad
and sudden death of the president
gives them another twist.”
That was the press association story
printed In the unescapable hurry of
the day after Harding's death. In the
more abundant leisure of three weeks
afterward It may now add something
to the amusement of on August Sun
day and possibly to the useful Infor
mation of those who take an Interest
In the more Intimate details of Amer
ican politics and in the personalities
involved if we piece out the story, as
to those portions where it is cryptic
or anonymous, with some reasonable
inferences as to names, places and
dates. And the best way to tell the
whole story Is to go a little further
back and make a fresh beginning.
Johnson, I.asker Figure.
You can make the beginning either
with Hiram Johnson or with Albert
Lasker. They are the two men, every
person olose to politics can readily
infer, who figure cryptically and
nnonymously in the above story. John
son moves in the phrases “principal
contender" and "prospective con
tender.” Lasker is the chief of those
who fit the description "a close friend
of the same prospective contender”
and former "principal backers of the
contender referred to," who' had more
lately "become devoted friends and,
in fact, parts of the Harding admin
istration machinery."
The fortunes of Hiram Johnson and
Albert Lasker came together at a cer
tain moment some three years ago. A
little later they became separated in
the political sense, though never in
the personal sense, and now, as it
might look to an observer surveying
the future, they seem likely to come
together again.
In the month of December, 1919,
Hiram alohnson threw his California
derby into the ring that already con
tained the military cap of General
Wood, the hat of Governor Lowden
and aome others.
Johnson began that candidacy for
the 1920 nomination on a shoestring.
Later on, ns I shall tell, fairly con
siderable resources and organization
were put into his campaign. But in
the beginning he had practically noth
ing hut his own voice and such small
funds as were contributed by a few
personal friends. If he had had any
thing like the resources for organiza
tion purposes that Wood and Lowden
had he would have gathered together
more delegates than either of them.
Undoubtedly, he would have led the
field, and he might readily have been
the nominee. In the few states where
he was physically able to use what
was practically the only asset he had,
namely, his own voice, he almost in
variably got larger crowds and more
votes than either of the others. For
example, in the first of the primary
fights. South Dakota, Johnson's
friends had only about $2,000 to spend
for publicity and organization, where
as the friends and partisans of Wood
and Lowden, eager for the prestige
of winning the first round of the
presidential primaries, spent large
sums On organization, special trn>s,
circularizing and the like.
Progress Sensational.
Nevertheless, Johnson got practical
ly as many votes as either. The
progress Johnson made in the early
stages of that 1920 fight, considering
the forlorn little shoestring he had
to work on, was nothing short of
sensational.
In the last phases of Johnson’s
candidacy for the 192(1 nomination
Albert Lasker came into the situation.
If he had come Into earlier Johnson
might have been president today; for
with Lasker's furious energy, coupled
with his resources as the biggest ad
vertising man in the country and the
resources Lasker could get from
friends and business associates—With
all that, If Lasker had entered the
situation earlier, Johnson would have
been on a par with Lowden and Wood
os a matter of organisation; and he
was stronger than them politically.
Lasker was a whirlwind of energy
and organizing resourcefulness, hut
he came into the eituatinn too late.
What Lasker's motive was in get
ting behind Johnson is free for any
one to guess. Motives are a matter
within the individual's own skull, and
even the individual himself does hot
always know clearly what his motive
is. Lasker had grown rick as an ad
vertising agent in Chicago. He was
and is extremely energetic and am
bitious. Ho wanted to take a hand
in another and bigger game. He
lias unlimited zeal for anything lie
thinks ought to he done. How much
affection he may have had for John
Ron personally, how much he may
have been excited by Johnson's poli
cies, or how much he may merely
have surveyed the hoard and put his
bet on a horse that seemed most
available for his purposes—all that
you cannot be clear about. Wood
and Lowden already had their own
powerful backers. There could be
nothing for a.new outsider in getting
behind them.
Heart Into Fight-.
Lasker threw his energy and his re
sources behind Johnson. He got his
friends and business associates to help.
One of them was Wllllntn Wrlgley,
the chewing gum manufacturer. As
is characteristic of men pf Lasker's
temperament, where his interest was
his heart was. Indeed, his heart was
so strongly with Johnson that it ob
scured his judgment. The present
writer can remember one day a week
or two before the 1920 republican con
vention being backed into the corner
of a corridor of a Chicago hotel by
Lasker and Wrigley and vehemently
cross-questioned by them as to
whether or not. Johnson would win.
The writer had the judgment that
Johnson wouldn't get more than a
fifth of the delegates. That judg
ment was excessively unwelcome to
pi anns so deeply wrapped up In
Johnson's fortunes, and the writer, in
expressing a judgment contrary to
his questioners' desires, had a little
the feeling of being a criminal in the
dock under croas-txamination. How
ever, it is a familiar memory with
every political writer who preserves a
distinction between facts and emo
tions to lose a good many of Ills
friends in politics during Hie three
or four weeks before every convention
—only to get them back with added
respect for his judgment after the
convention is over.
Johnson lost the nomination., Hut
Lasker did not lose his interest In
politics nor his zest for the big game.
It is ft legitimate and publicly useful
ambition. The country would he bet
ter off if more good men had it.
Soon utter Harding was nominated
Lasker turned up on the front porch
of Marion. With characteristic frank
directness he told Harding that he
didn't know hint, hadn't much ac
quaintance with his political policies,
hut nevertheless wanted to help make
him president. One way or another,
Lasker went through the process
which in his business is called "sell
ing yourself to some one you want
to impress. Lasker, of course, had
nothing he wanted to sell for money.
On the contrary, he wanted to trade
his own energy and resourcefulness
for a chance to sit in the big game.
He wanted to "sell” himself to Hard
ing. It was entirely legitimate. Lasker
was and is the superior of most poli
ticians in that he went about It with
complete candor.
Lasker "Sells’' Himself.
Lasker made the sale successfully.
There were cynical persons in politics
who assumed that Lasker must have
held the Idea that as a former backer
of Johnson he was in a good position
to act as go-between, on Harding's
behalf, to Johnson, for the latter's
support of the ticket.
That was quite important to Hard
ing at the time, for Johnson was sit
ting ominously in his California tent
until Harding should take a position
satisfactory to him on the league of
nations issue. It was a fact that Las
ker had put a great deal of effort into
Johnson's political fortunes. Harding
may or may not have inferred from
that relation that Lasker could help
in bringing about Johnson's loyalty to
the republican nominee and his help
in the campaign. No one, of course,
supposed that Lasker could or would
dream that he could deliver Johnson's
loyalty to any political program con
trary to his own position on the
league of nations. The sole thing that
brought Johnson out of his tent and
elicited a belated endorsement of the
the ticket was Harding's statement of
a position on®lhe league of nations
cpnslstent with Johnson’s own. That
was the real price Harding paid for
Johnson's support, and the only price
that would have got it—and Johnson
didn’t come out until he had it.
However, in any event, Lasker es
tablished a basis of confidence—and
of genuine friendship—with Harding
that endured and grew until it be
came one of the commonest subjects
of gossip on the Marion front porch,
continued In Washington and only
ended with Harding's death. During
the campaign Lasker was the most
ubiquitous and energetic person on
the Marion front porch. Lasker was
the man who put the "go" and the
"get" In “go-getter." Also, lie was
the man who put the “ask" in Las
ker. If anything was needed Lasker
foresaw the need before anybody else
hail formulated It in his mind. And
when he saw a need Lasker's was to
get on the long-distance telephone
and have the goods, or the man. or
whatever was the need, delivered in
Marion by the quickest route the fol
’.owing morning. Lasker, In short.
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Millard, Nrhratlia
wan the prince of go-getter*, and it
was in that role that he served Hard
ing faithfully and well.
I Asker No Influence.
Harding made Lasker chairman of
the shipping board, but that official
position was only a fraction of Las
ker's personal relation to Hardin;;.
Lasker became the president’s most
constant companion. It caused a lot
of gossip and some disadvantage to
Harding in the shape of Irritation and
Jealousy on the part of politicians.
Much more was ascribed t« the rela
tion than actually existed. Lasker
was said to influence Harding undulv
in public matters. But there was
nothing in that. Lasker was con
tent with companionship and did not
grasp for power. Lrfsker didn't have,
or try to have, or pretend to have,
the sort of influence on public affairs
that was attributed to him. He re
joiced in the personal association
with Harding, and was content with
it. lie was almost extravagantly
loyal to Harding.
This brings us down to the story
quoted above.
About the first of the present year
it became a mutter of concern with
Harding and all the republican lead-j
era whether Johnson would or would
not throw his hat Into the ring again
this year. Immediately the gossip
on the subject took on a strong color
of humor. Here was Lasker, the
man who had been Johnson's prin
cipal backer In 1920, now become
the closest friend of Harding. Once
more the cynical took to cynicism.
They said that Harding would rely
on Lasker to persuade Johnson to
stay out of the raee. If Harding had
any such reliance he didn't rely on
It too much. Harding used his own
efforts. He went to lengths that
were obvious to dlose observers to
put Johnson In a position where he
couldn’t oppose him without seeming
ungracious. Johnson was invited to
White House dinners and White
House parties, although everybody
knows that Johnson cares less than
most men about that sort of thing.
Other senators who were on suf
ficiently close terms with Johnson
used to direct humorous remarks at
him, Johnson used to Just smile.
In the end, as recited above, John
son decided not to oppose Harding.
But the principal thing that Influ
enced him was the lack of an issue
on which to make the fight. Hard
ing's position on the league of na
tions was identical with Johnson's.
Johnson Against Court
Then, as recited above, Harding pro
posed the international court. At that,
all Johnson's friends, and all who
wanted, for their own reasons, that
Harding should not he renominated by
default—all these rushed to Johnson
and told him that now he had his is
sue. Johnson listened. 'He made oh#
formal utterance, strongly against the
court, and then went abroad. Abroad,
he marveled and reflected for four
months. When Jie came back lie wasi
again brought under great pressure
from many different angles to make
a fight against Harding. Johnson con
tented himself with making his New
York spech against the Court and
again began a period of vigilant, ever
ominous silence.
Whether Johnson would have made
a formal race against Harding is for
anyone to guess. Most certainly John
son would have kept up his fight
against an International court. Hut
the better guess is that Hard ng
would have made modifications In his
position on the court—lhdeed. he haij
already begun to do so in his St. hauls
speech—-such as would have disarm
ed Jdhnson and prevented a party
split and a fight between the two
men.
That bring* us ot the present. In
deed, it brings us to the immediate
future.
Igisker ha* lost hi* great friend.
But he hasn’t lost his furiou* ener
gy or his ambition. He is young—In
the early 40s.
Will It now turn out that Lasker,
who a month ago would have gone to
any length to persuade Johnson to
slay out of the race—will he now go
to equal lengths to get Johnson Into
the race? That Is what persons ask
whose vocation or pastime is In the
world of political personalities Las
ker I* wholly free to do so and it Is
a perfe- ;!y proper ambition
That—and the related question, Is
opposition to the world court still
available to Johnson as an Issue?—
of course depends upon what Coolldge
does. Literally, the world court Is
In the lethal chamber of the senate
committee on foreign relations. Will
Coolidge leave It there? Or will he
regard It as his responsibility to re
vive It as an issue? And even if Cool
ldge should refrain from giving John
son that issue, will Johnson make
some other one?
Lasker Is one of the most effective
live wires now functioning on the
American continent. That Johnson
is among the three men who have
most dynamic political personalities
goes without saying
• - - ■■
Gowtyg from Paris to Omaha.
Interest is evinced by merchants
in the coming exhibit of gingham
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and to be displayed during
Merchants’ week of August 20 to 26,
by M. K. Smith A Co., In their dress
goods department, and also during
their style show, the afternoon of
August 22.
Road Builder Has^
4-Minute Chat
With Governor
Hy T. Nightengale of Atkinson,
Neb., grading contractor, did more
than $*0,000 worth of work for the
state of Nebraska this summer and
now the state refuses to pay him,
although the work has been approved
and accepted
Or rather. It refuses to pay the firm
of Peterson, Shirley and Gunther,
from whom he held a subcontract,
which amounts to the same thing, so
far as he Is concerned
According to Mr. Nightengale he ac
cepted subcontracts for grading and
surfacing Project No. 196 in Kearney
county and Project No. 139-E In Holt
county, consisting of more than 13
mi'es of road, each contract amount
ing to about $32,000.
Of the $64,000 thus due, he has re
ceived $31,000, the amount paid by
the state to the general contractors.
Now the claim is made that there
is a $700,000 deficiency in the fund
from which the money must come,
which is augmented by federal aid.
Meanwhile, Mr. Nightengale's laet
three payrolls are unpaid: he has bor
rowed $10,000 from his bank to carry
on the work, and has even mortgaged
his house in order to pay bis men.
Officials of the ^tate finance depart
ment. he says, will give^tim no satis
faction, nor will Governor Bryan,
with whom he was permitted to talk
for four minutes, after a trip of 10Q
miles.
€ftoDpon.€>d6fli&Ca
Certain of the
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M ain Floor
Tom Thumb
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The Newest Vamp
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Main Floor
Hats That Go
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Appropriate clothes that give the college girl
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Vogue patterns, $1.00.
/ ___ _
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• Second Floor
A Long Waisted
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Second Floor
As to ' *
Underwear
Bodice top. tight knee
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Main Floor
Cash’s Woven
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If She Takes Her Own Bedding
For those dormitories or sorority houses that require
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Pequot sheets that survive the rough and tumble of the
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