DeathOpens Way to New Teadership JFarren Gw Harding Would Have Been Renominated Even Against His Will. Coolidge Can Set Record By MARK SULLIVAN. Washington, Aug. 11.—We have now arrived at a sufficient distance from somber memories so that It need involve no violence to sentiment to discuss the effect of Harding's death on the fortunes of the republican party in the near future and on the whole political outlook for next year. If Harding had lived he would have been the next republican nominee. Not that he particularly wished It. On the contrary, his temperament and personal taste wished otherwise. .Re peatedly, in the confidence of personal intimacies, he expressed lack of any eagerness of appetite for another term of power. Sometimes he went further and expressed actual reluct ance to be again the nominee. On one occasion, in the course of writing a paper Intended to he made public, he included a sentence to the effect that, in his belief, the president should serve but one term, and that he would be glad to have the custom begin with himself. He did not say whether he thought the single presi dential term should be four years or six years. His mind was not intent that. It was wholly focussed on ■^Making public what he meant to be a practically formal abdication, so far as a second term for himself was con cerned. He wrote this with his own hand and meant it to reach the pub lic. But before it did so It came to the attention of persons close to him who convinced him that he ought not at that time to make a final commit ment of purpose in a field In which other individuals besides himself and other interests had a legitimate stake —his party, his friends and intimates, the good of the party and the possi ble arising of unforeseen events. And so Harding permitted those few sen tences to be eliminated from the paper. They are still In existence in his own handwriting, in the posses sion of one of his intimates. No Lust for Power. Harding did not care for renomlna lion. He did not care for office as such. He had no lust for power. He was more free from that trait of character which luxuriates in high office than any other man within the writer's rather large acquaintance with men who have held high posi tions. Not only did Harding have no ap petite for the enjoyment of power or office aa euch, he was equally free from another trait which frequently leads men to hold on, to think their continuance In office is indispensable. Harding had no pet theories about the country or the universe. He had great causes that he wanted to put through. The ship subsidy as a means of creating a great American merchant marine came as close to this sort of thing as anything else that ever was in Harding’s mind, and the ship subsidy had become impossi ble. Harding had no notion that there was something he must do to save the world. That was not his conception of the presidency or his relation to it. He rather thought of himself as an engineer who mounts the cab at one station, pilots it safely and on schedule time to the next, and then steps down. He never had the faintest notion that he was any better man than the next who would step Into the cab. He had a serene con fidence that the country was full of Marions and of men from Marion who could lead the country as well as he could. Would Take Renomlnatlon. Nevertheless, although Harding did not care for renomlnatlon, he was going to take it. When the subject was discussed with hla Intimates last February he said that time certainly was too early for him to maks an an nouncement. That was the only basis for the statement widely circulated then that he had definitely decided to be a candidate for re-election. What he actually said was that he would not then make any formal announce ment and that he would waft before taking a formal publlo position one way or the other until about the time jthat congress should come Into ses T^n again next December. Actually, however, the thing was settled In his own mind. In the minds of his friends snd In the minds of most of the par ty leaders. The consensus of their discussion was that Harding must take the renomlnatlon, even though personally that course should not co incide with hie Individual taste. It wae fellt that the needs of the party made It Imperative. For him to step eslde could not fad to he Interpreted by his political enemies and by much more of the public as being in the kature of a confession, both as to his own administration and as to ths par ty generally—a confession which would amount to saying that the par ty had not done very well these four years, but would ask the public to give them another four years under a different leader. Such an attitude, the party leaders knew, would In It self make for failure In the election. Here’* the Very Car You’ve Hoped to Own CADILLAC TOURING Type 59—very late model. Like now. Used 16,000 miles. New dark blue paint; excellent tires. RE-NEW-ED mechani cally. Spotlight. A car you will be proud of. See it NOW—-drive it with any car you can buy, new or used, at the same price. A Cadillac Is a Safe Buy J. H. HANSEN CADILLAC CO. Farnam at 20th HA 0710 There was an additional reason why the older party leaders held Harding to the program of renomin ation. If he had stepped aside there would have been a scramble for the nomination. And there is too much danger—as the older party leaders looked at it—of Buch a scramble hav ing an unfortunate outcome. They thought that in the event of such a free-for-all contest the nomination, to gether with the control of the party machinery, might fall into the hands of some of the newer and more radi cal elements. They felt it was better that the party should stand by Hard ing and Harding’s policies, even though in doing so they might be compelled to expect to 'take a lick ing." To "take a licking" occasion ally Is part of the accepted discipline of the more stable party leaders. They thought, of the republican party as essentially conservative; they knew that the conservative party cannot possibly win every elec tion, and they were entirely willing to acceppt defeat In 1924 as one of the ordinary incidents of destiny rather than let the party fall Into the control of other element!. Situation Changed. Let us now see to what extent the situation has Men changed through the removal of Harding, not by hie own action but by a somfcer fate. Immediately after Harding's death it was a common assumption, in such discussion as took place within the limits of decent sentiment, that his death, politically speaking, was equivalent to his abdication. That Is What’s the Best Title for This Picture? Worth $5 f Is the Lowest Priced Standard Built Automobile in the World Red Seal Continental Motor - Timken Axles Touring X Tedders Honey Comb Car at Radiator Omaha Spicer Universal Joints $530 Warner Transmission Sedan Worm Steering Gear 4-Door Gas Tank on Rear at Omaha Vacuum Tank on Dash , 4-Specd Transmission __ Andrew Murphy & Son Incorporated 14th and Jackson Streets, Omaha —|r to say, that on Hardings death the situation became a free for-all race, just as it would have beocme if Harding, still living, had stepped aside. It was the assumption that just as soon as a sufficient time should elapse to escape doing violence to sentiment some half a dozen hats would be thrown Into the ring from such men—or from the friends of such men—as Hiram Johnson, ex Governor Lowden of Illinois, Gen. Leonard Wood. Senator James Wat son, ex-Senator Albert Beveridge, Senator Borah, Governor Plnchot of Pennsylvania, Senator Wadsworth of New York. Senator Medlll Mc Cormick of Illinois and some others. It may be that this is the correct assumption. It may be that ns things stand a week after Harding's death the republican presidential situation for next year Is a free-for all race. It may be that one or some or all of these men, or other men, or the friends of some of them may shortly make formal announcement of candidacies for the republican nomination. CooHdge and Roosevelt. It Is worth while, however, to con sider an entirely different alternative, centering wholly about the personal ity of President Coolidge and his Im mediate future. This possibility is that President Coolidge may achieve toward the party that same Inevita bility which the dead president had. Those who follow this theory base It largely on the analogy to Roosevelt in 1904. But ft must be remembered that the time when Roosevelt stepped Into the presidency as the successor of McKin ley was only six months after the administration of McKinley had be gun: whereas Coolidge makes his entry under similar clrcumstanaes two years and five months after the administration had begun. To put it In other words, Roosevelt, when he ascended to the presidency In 1901, had two years and nine months be fore the following presidential nomina tion—two years and nine months In which to intrench himself and to let his acts so commend him that his re nomtnatlon to a second term became Inevitable. Coolidge, on the other hand, has but 10 months In which to achieva this sort of lntrenchment In party organization and in public favor. Coolidge took office on the 3d of August. The republican nominat ing convention will take place during the first 10 days of next June, which gives Coolidge but 10 months to ac complish what Roosevelt had two years and nine months to accom plish in. Everything depends on whether Coolidge by his own efforts, or by the course of events, shall accom pllsh thi* elevation In popular favor. In a sense, the death of Harding does what many republican parly leaders would have been willing or even glad to do, if It had been possi ble, with Harding still living. In this sense Harding's death has the effect of taking him out of the situation without at the same time carrying Ihe liabilities which would have been inherent in any stepping sside by Harding of his own will? Such a step ping aside by Harding would unes onpably hav i carried implications of weakness. It would have implied on the part of Harding and the party an attitude which would have seemed to nay: "We confess that we are not now in high favor; we confess that we fear defeat; but we are changing horses and we ask the country to give us a trial with the new leader." Such an attitude the republican leaders were unwilling to take and would not have taken. They had dis cussed It and had decided to avoid it. But by the death of Harding this change of leadership is accomplished without any implications In the na ture of confession as to the past, or fear of failure in the future. The party now has a new leader without any liabilities. He has all the assets of the party, while on the liability side the sheet is perfectly clean. Coolldge, if It is possible within »o short a space as ten months, can make an entirely new record for the administration and for the party. Not only are the president and the party now free from all the weight of criti cism that has grown up in two and a half years, but in addition to that, if President Coolldge has the genius to do It, hnd if the course of event* Is reasonably favorable, it is a possibil ity for Coolldge and the party to make a record which. Instead of being the subject of criticism and disfavor proceeding from the present state of mind of the country,, may give satis faction to that state of mind. Time Is Short. Of course, the time Is very short. The party record and the whole body of facts upon which the public will pass next year consists of the individual acts of the psesident coupled with the acts of the admin istration generally, and in addition it consists of the actions of the republi can senate and house. Not only that, but Coolldge will only be able to make the maxumum of favorable Impres sion by asserting a leadership of his party in congress and the country. Coolldge* individual acts as presi dent, no matter ho.w wei! conceived or how happy the circumstances, alone can hardly make up a record sufficient to be the basis of an appeal to the country for the election of a icpublican president. senate and house next year. To hi* individual record and the record of hte cabinet ] Coolidge must add something In the i nature of a record by him In his re- ■ atton to the house and senate, and ilso a record made by the republican ■ongress itself. Quality Tires Of National Reputation at Unheard of PRICES 30x3i/2 Fabric...$ 6.90 30x3]/£ Cord .. 9.95 32x4 Cord . 16.65 32x41/2 Cord . 27.10 Other sizes at equal values. 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