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About The Omaha morning bee. (Omaha [Neb.]) 1922-1927 | View Entire Issue (June 26, 1923)
T oday A Ball and Chain Life? Spirits Don't Flirt. Forty Million in a Teaspoon. W hat Court? Ours? Theirs? ^ By ARTHUR BRISBANE j You could write an interesting column daily about things that wo men do and things done to them. One Detroit lady gets a divorce by proving that her husband called her “his ball and chain." He said a wife was like a ball and chain fastened to a man's leg. And that’s exactly what a wife should be like with some men for the sake of the children. Marriage originated as a device to make a man responsible for his fam.ly, to keep him from running away and neglecting the children. Another interesting lady in the news is Miss Muriel McCormick. The reporter’s dramatic story shows the young granddaughter of John D. Rockefeller free of all earthly entanglements, but deeply in love with the spirit of a young man killed in war, whom she never 'saw in life. She and the young man’s mother visit his grave, regularly, and to gether they go to spiritualistic mediums for news of him. That is an ideal arrangement. Spirits never disappoint you and never look at any other girl. It would do them no good, up in Ectoplasm land. Should the young man obey the medium and come down he will learn to his satisfaction that he died not in vain. He gave his life for his country, and his father and mother gave, in his memory, a $500,000 dormi tory to Harvard university, a campus on the lake shore to Northwestern university, and a terrace to the Chicago Art insti tute. Sorrow is the soil in which good deeds grow. What is the population of this earth? If you mean human be ings, 1,600,000,000 would be about the right answer. If you include all living beings in “population,” the figures be come fantastic. Government in vestigation in England shows that a teaspoonful of soil contains more than 40,000,000 living creatures. These are “organisms" that live, reproduce their kind and have con sciousness. I* the difference between their consciousness and ours a difference n #o wer, something like the differ ■nde between the waterfall from a ainspout and the fall of Niagara? When Niagara’s water goes tack to the ocean and is again lifted by the sun and dropped in . ain, drops that were Niagara may ind themselves dewdrops, or wafer n the gutter, or tears. What becomes of us when the 'rgregation of consciousness lock ’d up in our skulls goes back to he ocean whence it came? If it returns here, does it return inside of one ivory skull, or scat tered among a million of those soil “organisms?” You would be grateful for an answer to that. There is nothing ridiculous in suggesting that the power of con sciousness of ten million million ‘organisms” of the soil might be combined into a thifiking power equal to that of Newton. One drop of water, multiplied suffi ciently and raised to a height of 500 feet, would have 1,000 times the. power of Niagara. One practical word. Fathers and mothers, look after your chil dren that go barefoot. Remember that the 40,000,000 organisms in a teaspoonful of earth may include hookworm and lockjaw germs. Don’t let children play barefoot in filthy mud puddles or go bare foot when the skin is cracked or cut, opening the door to the germs. Sandals are better than bare feet in summer and just as good for the health. Insist on them if vid can affor^l them. The supreme court says that foreign ships cannot brinfc alcohol into American ports. Europe says the decision must be referred to The Hague court of arbitration. We are not bound by The Hague court. Our supreme court would rule here regardless of The Hague court and Hague court decisions. Suppose we go into the world court. And suppose that world court should hand down decisions, as it probably would, directly con trary to the United States supreme court. Whht then? Would the president, as execu tive, use the forces of the nation to enforce a decision of the United States supreme court, or would he consider that decision overruled by * a higher power and enforce decision of the world court which he advocates? That might create an unpleasant situation. Why not let that world court rule supreme in the disorganized and disunited states of Europe and let our supreme court rule in these United States of America? Dr. Jervey of the American army has invented an automatic gun that shoots highly explosive shells weighing more than one pound, “in bursts of five shells,” ho delicately adjusted that the silk on a flying machine wing is strong enough to explode them. Browning, the famous gun mnn, t* at work on an automatic cannon that will send big shells hs rapidly a* the bullets from a machine Run. Plenty of such guns and plenty of flying machines arp more im portent to this country than 47 varieties of world courts and leagues. What we want is to he let alone and to let other people alone. (Copyright i»S~) Text of President’s Address at Denver My Countrymen: It lias been said Ihc* "Of the making of hooka there is no end.” Quite as truthfully It might be paraphrased, "Of the mak ing of lawa there is no end.” Wo Americans undoubtedly hold all records for the making of a multi plicity of laws, state and national. If we were as assiduous about obey ing and enforcing obedience to them as we are In demanding and enact ing them, there would be no particu lar occasion for me to address you to day on the general subject of law enforcement. We all recognize that to secure effective administration of the laws, to establish In the public mind an attitude of willing ac ceptance and obedience to law, Is the most Impressive mark of a civilized community. Laws, of course, represent restric tions upon Individual liberty, and in these very restrictions make liberty more secure. The Individual sur renders something of his privilege to do as he pleases for the common good, and so organized society is pos sible. It Is successful Just about in proportion as laws are wise, as they represent deliberate and intelligent public opinion, and as they are obeyed. Civilization had to travel a long way before it came to be com monly accepted that even an unwise law ought to be enforced In orderly fashion, because such enforcement would insure its repeal or modlfica tlon, also In orderly fashion, if that were found desirable. At this point It Is worth while to raise a voice in protest against the vast volume of half-baked criticism that Is constantly aimed against Americans, on the ground that they’ are alleged to be an undisciplined and rather lawless community. The criticism, of course, arises out of the fact that during the period of a very short national life, during which the currents of human affairs and inter ests have moved more rapidly than in any other period of history, we have been under the necessity to es tablish Institutions, laws, modes of administration, which would meet not only the requirements of a new community established in a new world, but would permit adaptation to rapidly changing conditions. It comes also of the very erroneous im pression of many nationals that our liberty is a license, instead of guar anteed freedom under the law. Many Experiment*. Older countries have bad the privi lege of developing laws and institu tions slowly, gradually, palnstak ingly, through multiplied centuries in which change was commonly ex tremely slow. America had to build on the foundation of long established European models not always adapt able to our requirements, and there fore necessitating many experiments in modification and readaptation. Moreover, we started our experiment just at the time when the old medieval order was being rhanged at high speed by the processes of the industrial and social revolution which marked emergence from the later middle ages into the onrushing era of modern industrialism, modern science, and modern democratic pro cedures in government. The founders of our country wore compelled to establish institutions here, in a time when their whole in heritance of intellectual, moral, poli tical, and industrial traditions was being wrenched by the most amaz ing revolution that human society has known. In the circumstances, their achievement in laying th>- foun dation, and our later one in building i ur present superstructure upon it, represents an accomplishment I be lieve without parallel. Thus viewed. I think we will find all Justification tor satisfaction In our progress thus fir, and confidence in an assured future. t »ur problems are the problems of a relatively new country, and of a new form of political organization, In a time of social flux. We shall not succeed If we attempt to solve them ell Ht once; but no more shall we I succeed If we assume to Ignore their . ----— existence, to shut our eyes to the fact that they are before us. The very basis of our political establish ment is the Idea of a dual sovereignty, of the states and the nation; the idea of concurrent authority and concur rent responsibility. That is so ele mental in our system that to do away with it would amount to demolishing our whole scheme of government. Certain functions and responsibili ties have been imposed upon the na tional government, while others have been reserved to the states. Between these two authorities there will al ways be unavoidably something' like a twilight zone. Personally, • J have never liked that phrase. I have re garded It as a peculiarly unfortunate and misleading description. The in termediate zone which receives light from two sovereign luminaries ought to be the best, not the worst, illum ined region. I believe it can be made exactly that if we will but realize the necessity for real co-operation between national and state author ity, if we will only develop effective means for the exercise therein of concurrent jurisdiction. Not a New One. The problem of concurrent Jurisdic tion is not a new one brought to us with the eighteenth amendment. It Is as old as the federal government. It has required to be dealt with by congress and legislatures, by exec utives and by courts, In a multitude of relations to commerce, finance, transportation, and indeed the whole realm of concerns in our complex so ciety. It has demanded attention in all multitude of issues ranging from the regulation of trusts and transporta tion, and even of certain relations with foreign governments, to the proposal for a uniform statute of • marriage and divorce. There have always been those who insisted that particular policies could not be carried out because of the con flict of Jurisdictions; hut experience has proved that whenever a given issue became so acute that evasion was impossible, procedures have been devised" for dealing with it. Who ever will go back to the debates over the enactment of the antitrust law, or fhe discussions of the interstate commerce measures, must recognize that these were but varying phases of the same general question that comes before us in connection with the enforcement of the prohibition law. A good deal of useful accomplish ment toward uniformity and clarifi cation of state and national laws has been effected through the efforts of the American Bar association. This, of course, has been an unofficial ef fort—a labor of \ove and patriotism, [conducted by men especially quali fied for Its direction. It has seemed possible that something rather more formal and official might be evolved from these beginnings, which should help In perfecting the coordination. President Roosevelt recognized this possibility when he called a council of governors to consider problems then demanding harmonious and uni form treatment. tnder the present administration a similar course has been adopted In bringing together the state executives for consideration of methods to give full force and ef fect to the concurrent authority of states and nation under the eight eenth amendment. We ha\e dealt upon the same gen eral principle in fixing a program for tile utilization of the waters of the Colorado river. Indeed I have thought these conferences contained the germ of an idea which may some day grow into a useful auxiliary to our con stitutional system; a formal council of co-ordination, representating state and national governments; author ized to examine into particular needs in this area, to devise projects In co-ordinated action, and to propose them formally to the congresa and the legislatures. Without possessing any powers of legislation nr of man datory initiation, such a body might render an advisory service which, if made permanent and continuing. ! would conceivably be of great ad vantage. But for the presenj there are Im mediate problems before us which cannot await ths possible creation of any such alow moving mechanism of philosophlo consideration. The pro “Yes, Wc Have No Bananas” But II r Have S-w-e-e-t Milk, It's fresh arul raid. We hate R-u-t-t-e-r-m-id-k, It has made us famous. m It e have S-a-l-a-d-s, They crowd our store for thorn, ft e have rr<d fresh E-ft-g-s, 7 hat's what people tell us. ---H Our business of milk, butter, eggs, pastries and salads is built on the good-will born of fresh products. We are daily proving this, not only to the crowds that stop in for glasses of cool milk, but to the hundreds who carry home table necessities rather than accept the ordinary variety. Come in any time for a “Bite Between Mealh” _ DlthjflpJailOS QUTTER^LIC SHOP Northwest Corner, 16th and Farnam Sts. 1 hibition amendment to the constitu tion is the basic law of tlie land. The Volstead act has been passed, provid ing a code of enforcement. I am con vinced that they are a small, and a greatly mistaken minority who be lieve the eighteenth amendment will ever be repealed. Details of enforce ment policy douhtless will he changed as experience dictates. Further, I am convinced that whatever may be made will represent the sincere pur pose of effective enforcement, rather than moderation of the general policy. It will be the part of wisdom to rec ognize the facts as they stjnd. Policy of Stales. The general policy of the. states to support tile prohibition program, and to co-operate with the federal government regarding it, is attested by the fact that almost unanimously the states have parsed, enforcement laws of their own. A difficulty, how ever, arises at this point. A good deal of testimony comes to Washing ton that some states are disposed to abdicate their own police authority in this matter, and to turn over the burden of prohibition enforcement to federal authorities. It Is a singular fact that some states which success fully enforced their own prohibition status before the eighteenth amend ment was adopted have lafterly gone backwards in this regard. Communities in which the policy was frankly accepted as productive of highly beneficial results.and in which there was no widespread protest so long as it was merely a state concern, report that since the federal govern ment became In part responsible there has been a growing laxity on the part of state authorities about enforcing the law. Doubtless this is largely due to a misconceived notion, too widely entertained, that the federal govern ment has actually taken over the real responsibility. The fact i.^iulte the contrary. The federal goveiWnent is not equipped with the instrumen talities to make enforcement locally effective. It does not maintain either a police or a Judicial establishment adequate or designed for such a task. If the burden of enforcement shall continue to be increasingly thrown upon the federal government, it will be necessary, at large expense, to create a federal police authority which; in time will inevitably come to be regarded as an Intrusion upon and interference with the right of lo cal authority to manage local con cerns. The possibility of disaster in such a situation hardly need he sug gested. Yet it is something that we must recognize as among the menaces In this situation. The federal government ought to perform, in connection with the en forcement of this policy, those func tions which are obviously within Its proper province. These are compli ance in all its aspects as It relates to International commerce, the importa tion and exportation of liquors, the collection of federal revenue, the pre vention of smuggling, and in general the enforcement of the law within the ! proper realm of federal authority. Hut the business of local enforcement by states and cities ought to he in the hands of the state and local au thorities, and it should be executed In all sincerity and good faith, as other laws are presumed to he executed. Government to Act. What I am saying must not be con strued as indicating sny relaxation of the national government's purpose to do its full duty in this matter, lhnve nei doubt that If the burden is cast, In undue proportion. upon the national authority the federal government w-ill not only,' under this administration, but under whatever nthers may come in the future, assume and discharge the full obligation. Hut I am pointing out that this ought not to be made necessary. The national policy ought to he supported by the publlr opinion and the administrative machinery of the whole country. For myself, I am confident that we are passing row through tlie most difficult stage of this matter, amt that as time passes there will be a more and more willing acceptance by authorities everywhere of the unalterable obligation of law enforcement. The country and the nation will not permit the law of the land to be made a byword. The issue is fast coming to be rec ognized, not as an issue between wets and drys, not a question between those who believe in prohibition and those who do not, not a contention between those who want to drink and those who do not: it is fast being raised above all that, to recognition as an issue of whether the laws of this country can be and will be en forced. So far as the federal govern ment Is concerned, and I am very sure also, so far as concerns the very great majority of the state govern ments and the local governments, It will be enforced. A gratifying, in deed it may fairly be said an amaz ing, progress has been made in the last few years toward better enforce ment. It is a curious illustration of loose thinking, that some people have pro posed, as a means to protecting Hie fullest rights of the states, that the states should abandon their part in enforcing the prohibitory policy. That meant/ simply an invitation to the federal government to exercise powers which should be exercised by the states. Instead of being an assertion of state rights, it Is an abandonment of them; it is an abdication; It amounts to a confession by the state that It doesn’t choose to govern itself but prefers to turn the task, or a con siderable part of it, over to the fed eral authority. There could be no more complete negation of state rights. The national government has been uniformly considerate of the sensi bilities of the state about their rights and authorities. But when a state deliberately refuses to exercise the powers which the constitution express ly confers on It, it obviously commits to a policy of nullifying state author ity, the end of which we are reluctant to conjecture. Strange Proposal, The policy of nullification has never appealed strongly to the American people. There are some historical records regarding efforts of states to nullify national policies; but the spectacle of a state nullifying Its own authority, and asking the national - ivcreignty to take over an important part of its powers. Is new. When the Implications of this strange proposal are fully understood by people and parties devoted to preserving the rights of the state*, the new nullifl eationists, I venture to say, will dis cover that they have perpetrated what i* likely to prove one of the historic blunders In political management. I am making my appeal In this mat. t»r to the broadest and best senti ments of law-abiding American* every where. We must recognize that there are some people on both sides of this question In whose minds it is abso lutely paramount. Some would be willing to sacrifice every other con sideration of policy in order to havs, their own way as to this one. This' constitutes one of the most demoralis ing fnctors in the situation. it was very generally believed that the adoption of the constitutional amendment would take the question out of our polltl- -. Thus far It has not done so, though I venture to pre dict that neither of the great parties will .’»* the timV. within the lives of any who are n6w voting citiMna. when it will declare openly for the repeal of the eighteenth amendment. But despite all that, the question Is kep- In politics because f the almost fanatbal urgency of the minority of extremists on both sides. Unless, through the recognition and accept ance of the situation In its true light, through the effective enforcement of ! the law by all the constituted author!- 1 Omaha Colorado m and return K _____ / ‘liellmv’stone m J and return I $4695 I California ■ and return I ■ x^Foone way ^return another ■ U Stop-over anywhere B Improved Service • ///■*«biw*klrt» *nA . omplrt* mppImtHMb CaaaalWlaled Tlrhel Office, I. Hrlndncff, Ageal rh««» Atlantic 4214. 141 A Dotl<e St . Omaha JSMrHatlvDv f*a«a Agt., Foch Inland Liana Phnae .lachaaa 04*8 8 t 0 Wondmv, .1 Ik* W.rld Bid*.. 0*>*k., N*fc. B Rpcfc Island m. Lines j tie*, and with the acquiescence of the' clearly dominant public opinion of the country, the question Is definitely re moved from the domain of political action, It will continue a demoralizing element In our whole public life. It will be a permanent bar to the wise determination of many Issues utterly unrelated to the liquor question. It will be the means of encouraging dis respect for many laws. It will bring disrepute upon our community, and be pointed to as justifying the charge that we are a nation of hypocrites. There can b« no issue In this land paramount to that of enforcement of the law. Warns Against Perli. It is easy to understand the condi tln»s under which much unrest has developed, but it is not easy to com prehend so much of complacency amid the developing peril. I want to give warning against that peril. Many citizens, not teetotalers in their habits, unlawfully acquired stores of private stocks in anticipa tion of prohibition, pending the rati fication of the amendment and the enactment of the regulatory Jaw Many others have no scruple in seek ing supplies from those who vend in defiance of law. The latter practice is rather too costly to be indulged by the masses, so there are literally American millions who resent the law ful possessions of the few, the lawless practices of a few more, and rebel against the denial to the vast majori ty. Universal prohibition In the Unit ed States would bccaslon far less dis content than partial prohibition and partial indulgence. It is the partial Indulgence which challenges the majesty of law. but the greater crime is the Impairment of the moral fiber of the republic. The resentful millions have the ex ample of law defiance by those who can afford to buy, and are reckless enough to take the risk, and there Is inculcated a contempt for law which may some day find expression In far more serious form. I do not see how any citizen who cherishes the protection of law In organized society may feel himself secure when he himself is the exam ple of contempt for law Clearly there (■ call for awakened conscience and awakened realization of true self-in terest on the part of the few who will themselves suffer most when reverence for law Is forgotten and passion is expressed In destructive lawlessness. Ours must be s law abiding republic, and reverence and obedience mus* spring from the influ ential and the leaders among men. as well as obedience fr> m the humbler citizen, else the tempi" will collapse, l-auless Drinking Problem. Whatever satisfaction there may be In indulgence, whatever objection there is to the so-called Invasion of personal liberty, neither counts when the supremacy of law and the stabil ity of our institutions are menaced. With all good intention the majority sentiment of the United States has sought by law to remove strong drink as a curse upon the American citizen, but ours is a larger problem now to remove lawless drinking as a menace ‘to the republic itself. There is another phase of law-ob servance to which reference is im pelling. I am thinking of the law of the golden rule, a statute from the Man of Nazareth, who brought new peace s.nd new hope to mankind, and proclaimed service to men the high est tribute to God. Service is both the inspiration and the accomplishment of quite every thing worth while which impels us onward and upward. With service which the N'azarene would approve are associated all our ideals and our finer aspirations. W’e accept the doc trine for ourselves, because we must be firmly established and healthfully and hopefully strong ourselves before we can be effectively helpful to oth ers. But I believe the law of service de mands our larger helpfulness to the world. No, I do not mean entangle ment In old world politics or spon sorship for the adjustment of old world controversies. I do mean the commitment of this nation to the pro motion and preservation of interna tional peace, to the Judicial settlement of disputes which, unless settled, lead to added Irritation, strained relations, and ultimately to war. Peaceful Way. I would like the United States to give of our prestige, our influence, and our power to make the Interna tional court of justice an outstanding and universally accepted agency of ju dicial determination of Justiciable questions and the peaceful way to In ternational settlements. It is too much to say that such a court will give a guaranty against war, but it will prove the longest step toward war preven tion and maintained peace since the world began. In such a thought Is concern for our own country no less than anxiety for a world which la finding read justment difficult. I am thinking of more than our own freedom from conlTict. with all ita attending burdens and sorrows. I am thinking of our America having a commitment to an exalting enterprise to save us from the reaction to mere sordid existence, and to keep our hearts aglow while we serve as a vanguard In the march of civilization. The world war was a frightful cal amity. from which the earth will not have fully recovered In a century to come. Nearly five years have passed and peace is not yet secure. Our own cost was beyond an understandable appraisal, but I sometimes feel it was worth .much of Its cost, because It brought an American awakening and revealed the soul of the republic. We experienced the supreme commitment. We saw our America ready to do or die for our concept of civilization and Its guaranties. It exalted us and made us a better, a more patriotically devoted people. I would like to go on. with sou! aflame In eagerness to aid humankind, while promoting security for ourselves. This is no under appraisal of th® essentials of material existence. IV e may rejoice in the flood tides of material gdod fortune, we may be comingly boast the measureless re sources of the republic, through Ood s bounty In creation and man's genius In development, but we aren't living the becoming life unless we are seeking to advance humankind as we achieve for ourseive#. I would like the ages of envy and hate, and conquest and pillage, and armed greed and mad ambitions to be fol lowed by understanding and peace by the rule of law where force ha i reigned, the decisions of a world court rather than the decrees of na tional armies, the observance of the golden rule as the law of human righteousness, and the wail of human suffering and sorrow lost In the glad rejoicings of the onward procession of mankind If we observe the law of service, if we heed our finer im pulses, if we keep alive the sou! which we revealed in our national defense, we will add to security for ourselves, and give of our s’rengtn to this ideal world advancement. Butler to Show What Became of $60,000 Police Commissioner Dan Butler Is going to "show" the city council what became of $60,000, which was special ly appropriated to establish a patrol system In the residence district*. This w is the result of an argument yesterday between Mr. Butler and representatives of the Omaha Cham ber of Commerce, who have hc-n urg ing the establishment of an extensive patrol system. "You can rest assured that no on® has put the money in his pockets” said the police commissioner. "Thor® isn't even adequate protection for the downtown district now." Elk-' Rodeo Is Success Special Ilispatch to The Omaha Bee. Hastings, Neb., June 25.—The E:>* rodeo here was a complete suctoja and ptobably will be repeated n year. The contestants have scattered all over the country, a number going to Shelby for the fight on the Fourth. Q&aMzu^e*? Gxjp&oSb. CU (Xumgjui^ <fieu, ^u'qjBua& frf t8x jjujuuaAA/ gx'dJL of tiLte 9vuAACu£ousfi^ /U‘cfL tuoa «* \i£aT~ doe* fis. t&ucK ? • Ihuj dt&o &l «£lo<. ^ — Si S&nJJL Qaajc^ £uu \ Hearst's huentationd July Magazine out now k ■ ■ —■■■ - — — ■' ". - ■. ^ •». Every month Hearn’s Internationa] turns some big subject «n«i..-4» oat Every housewife is invited to attend. Xo cost; no obligation. Bring a note book and pencil. Bearn new menus, new recipes; new, easier and wore economical wavs of doing old things. \ Use the Coupon To be sure of a good seat at the classes, reset v e yours now. Fill out the coupon below and bring it with you. A seat will be reserved for you for the entire course. Women’s Clubs. Teachers’ organizations, and Domestic Science Clubs especially invited. In formal discussion and exchange of ideas after the I leftur*' Classes start promptly at two in the aft ernoon. Entire meals, cooking, baking, etc . done during lecture to demonstrate and explain course. PROGRAM Tuesday i rm hi I'Unnlng Kalanood Moalj l»tMO>»l lit I10N S poo la I Hakod ‘‘Hood Ham Srallnpoil rntnli»o% with Plmoatn* Fa root* lli'llanilaiM' liiro Fluff rinliliiig tprloot I’runo *nnoo Fight Minuto l»t>ujrhuut» Wednesday i F.m KF The Choice and 1‘ro pa ra tion of Meat*. I'l MOSSTRATIO Hreadrd Hccf Concur llort Heart BraKcd Span «.h Heat Holla en Cn*\ern|o spare Hlii' Fruit Staff ins Kouat Franconia 1'otatee > Nebraska Power Co. Nebraska Power Co. Reserve a seat for me for the complete course. If not present at 2:1 I relinquish my claim to a reserved seat. Name..... 15 Address .....