Nebraska herald. (Plattsmouth, N.T. [Neb.]) 1865-1882, February 17, 1870, Image 2

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    She yrbnusba QtxM.
Speech of Hon J. H. Thayer,
oe nebraska,
In the Senate of the United States,
January 17 and 18, 1870.
The Senate having under consideration
the bill (IPR. No. 783) to admit the
State of Virginia to representation iu the
Congress of the t limited States
Mr. Thayer said :
Mr. President : It is difficult for uie
to believe that the Senator from Nevada
who has charge of this bill Mr. Stew
artj id anxious to brinsrit to a vote. He
lias on several occasions entreated the
Senate to pass it, and then when we
were about to vote on important amend
ments pending he has interposed a speech,
and when we were coming to a vote, ac
cording to agreement, then again he has
Bnbstituted the House bill and interposed
another speech. By doinjr that he is
drawing a speech from me which I should
not have made.
The very tenor of the remarks of the
Senator from Nevada evinced to my
mind the extreme distrust which he en
tertains of the State of Virginia after
thi bill shall pass, if that is to be the
deci.sionof Congress. He wants the fin-
ishin? stroke put upon the ratification of
the fifteenth amendment wit Inn a week
Why have he and other Senators urged
the Governor of Nebraska, who hap
pens to be sitting in the Chamber, to
convene the Legislature of that State
within ten days from to-day in order that
rfh i niay ratify it? Why this urgent
haste? Because they fear, and almost,
I would say, believe that Virginia will
attempt to undo the ratification of the
fifteenth amendment ; that Virginia may
trample under foot the laws of Congress
which have been passed for the protec
tion of the loyal people of Virginia.
The Legislature of Nebraska I can
Bay, and I do it by authority, will be con
vened daring the month of February,
and that she will ratify the fifteenth
amendment is beyond a doubt : for there
is but one Democratic Staie Senator in
the Senate and but four Democratic
memlters in the House. That is the way
we make Republican States in the West.
I need hardly recall the attention of
the Senate to the fact that Nebraska ap
plied here for admission, and that condi
tions were imposed upon her to the effect
that there should be universal suffrage
in the State of Nebraska. We did not
regard it as a degradation upon that
State, but accepted the condition in good
faith. I do not propose to vote for the
admission of Virginia upon the naked
bill of the House of Representatives
after having submitted to the imposition
of conditions upon the State of Ne
braska. How is it that the Congress of
the United States, after three years more
of progress, can now propose to admit
this State without conditions or guaran
tees? Mother of States, was she !
One of the mothers of secession and
treason ; for the abominable monster of
treason required more than one mother.
She, with her record red with human
blood, is now to pass through Congress
without a condition and without a guar
antee. Why is this? I have heard the
question aked repeatedly during the
progress of this debate, why is it that
conditions were required of a loyal peo
pie when assuming the obligations of
statehood and which are not required of
a State which swunsj' from her moorings
in the Union, joined the southern con
federacy, raised annie.-", and fought
throdgh four years to destroy the Union?
This bill 1 las b cn pushed forward with
most extraordinary energy, most extra
ordinary determination, arid with most
unprecedented haste. Virginia has been
eight years out of the Union. Where
is the extreme necessity for the haste
which has been manifested in pressing
forward this bill? Not a day nor an
hour could be given for investigation, for
examination into the facts, or an examin
ation into the allegations which were
made here by citizens of Virginia over
their own signatures. I know not who
they arc or what they arej but the me
morial came in a form which entitled it
to respect and consideration. Not an
hour could be given
n. and they, professing
ple of Virginia, were
to be the loval reo
met in the Senate of the United States
with contumely, denunciation, and abuse
from Republican Senators. I know not
what illusion may have come upon hon
orable Senators; whether they arc at
fault or whether I am at fault and those
who vote with me ; whether I am labor
ing under a delusion or arc they ; but I
do say that the;e scenes are most extra
ordinary. We have heard denunciations
in this Chamber from Senators which
have created a feeling of surprise. We
had leen accustomed to hear such de
nunciations during the last three years
from Senators of an opposite political
faith on this floor; but during the pro
gress of this debate those Senators have
been silent ; others have done their work ;
others have fought their battle.
Now, Mr. President, let roe call your
attention to another fact. More than
one, two. three, four, or half a dozen, or
a dozen Senators who favor the passage
of the bill for the admission of A irginia
have frankly confessed that they do it
with extreme reluctance and extreme dis
trust. They frankly admit that they
fear the consequences; that they fear
Congress will within a twelvemonth be
called upon to take action in regard to
Virginia for thc violation of the condi
tions of her admission or for the viola
tion of the fifteenth amendment. Seeing
the danger, they rush madly on ; seeing
the blunder, they make haste to repeat
it. A vessel strikes upon a sunken rock
and sinks beneath the waves ; the mas
ter of another in full view puts on all
steam, crowds all sail, and drives his ship
upon the same sunken rock and sinks
beneath the waves. Where is the pru
dence, the common judgement, which
would influence Senators in the ordinary
affairs of life, that, confessing the danger,
this bill is thus pushed forward through
the two Houses of Congress? Where is
the statesmanship of this policy?
I read in the public prints that on the
announcement of the vote in the other
House on the passage of the bill admit
ting Virginia it was received with rap
turous applause. It recalled to my mind
the fact that on the passage of the ordi
nance of secession there was one shout of
joy that went up through all Virginia at
the severance of her relations with tho
Union. The measure may meet with the
same applause in this Chamber if it is to
go through ; but I call to mind the fact
that there are thousands and thousands
of men and women in Virginia whose
hearts to-da' are full of the gravest ap
prehensions at the trloouiy prospect that
is before them. There are thousands
and huudreds of thousands of people in
the State of Virginia every sentiment of
whose soul has beat in unison with love
for their country snice that ordinance of
secession, passed until this hour, who
dread the passage in its present form of
the bill to restore Virginia to the Union ;
and yet their appeal in this Chamber is
nit with ridicule and derison.
I question no Senator's motives; I
concede to every one the same sincerity
of purpose, the same honesty of inten
turn which I claim for myself; but I
ii:u.-t be permitted to say that after the
experience of the past eight years, after
the experience of the last three 3'ears in
the work of reconstruction, I have been
amazed at what has transpired in Con
gress during the last week, and I am
amazed at the exceeding hot haste with
which Senators have attempted to crowd
this measure through Congress.
There is another feature of this iln
batc to which I desire to call attention
and which has been exccedinglv interest
ing to me. I have remarked that a por
tion of the members of this body, those
who belong to the opposite political faith,
have remained entirely silent. I could
not but notice the satisfaction which
seemed to settle upon their countenances
as this debate progressed. They seem
to be as serene and composed as a sum
mer's morning ; or, to be still more poetic,
as calm and unruffled as the waters of a
moon-lit lake. There has been nothing
except an incidental allusion to the record
of the Democratic party to call forth the
impetuous eloquence of my honerable
friend from Delaware, Mr. Saulsbury;
nothing to invite constitutional disserta
tions from my honorable friend from
Kentucky, I Mr. Davis; nothing to in
vito a speech from any Democratic Sena
tor till to-day.
I wish to call attention to the fact,
within the remembrance of every Sena
tor, that from the day when the first re
construction bill passed Coneressdownto
the first day of January, 1870, whenever
a measure came up touching reconstruc
tion in the southern States this Chamber
has rung with the denunciations of Demo
cratic Senators against the usurpations
and the violations of the Constitution
which the Republican party wereperpc
trating. They have argued from first to
last that no State was ever put of the
Union when she had once been in ; and in
every Democratic convention, from the
national convention down to a county
convention, in all the States it has been
set forth that no State was ever out of
the Union. What do we see to-day?
This same Democratic party voting a
State into the Union which has never
leen out. My honorable friends from
Kentucky, from Delaware, troni Califor
nia, and from Ohio, and others are now
all ommitted tothc admission of a State
into the Union which according to their
own declarations from year to year has
never been out of the Union. Mr.
President, the woi Id moves. The Demo
cratic party have come up to the doctrine
of reconstruction and have indorsed it.
They are now committed to the provis
ions of our reconstruction laws, for they
are voting unitedly in favor of the ad
mission of Virginia. I congratulate
Mr. Saulsbury. Will the Senator al
low me to ask him a question?
Mr. Thayer. Yes, sir.
Mr. Saulsbury. Does the Senator
understand the bill now before the body
as admitting Virginia into the Union or
simply declaring that Virginia is entitled
to representation in Congress?
Mr. Thayer. Has she been entitled
to it before?
lr. oauisoury. x asked you a ques
tion. Mr. Thayer. I understand very well
the purport of the bill which is now un
der discussion. It is restoring Virginia
to representation in the Union. Now, I
ask my friend from Delaware if she has
never been deprived of it?
Mr. Saulsbury. Never at any time
that she chose to avail herself of it.
Mr. Thayer. The honorable Senator
admits the correctness of my position.
He is now voting a State to be entitled
to representation of which she has been
Mr. Saulsbury. No ; I say she never
has been deprived unless she chose vol
untarily to deny herself the privilege ;
she always had the right.
Mr. Thayer. The Senator from Dela
ware, then, claims that Virginia has been
entitled to representation from the time
she seceded until now ; that she was en
titled to vote for presidential electors in
lKf4, according to his own reasoning,
though waging a flagrant war against the
Government. He must take one con
clusion or the other. If heLnow voting
her to be entitled to representation, then
she has been deprived of it ; if he is
now voting her back into the Union,
then she has been out of the Union.
The honorable Senator from Delaware
Mr. Saulsbury thought proper to pre
sent a vindication, as did also the honor
able Senator from California, Mr. Cas
serly,J of the record of the Democratic
part I have heard before during this
session similar references to the Demo
cratic party. I have noticed the taunt
thrown out bofore to-day during this ses
sion that the Republican party were re
sponsible for the debt which accrued in
the suppression of the rebellion. Sena
tors may yet come to claim that the
Democratic party was the party which
suppressed the rebellion, and that the
Kepubhcan party was the party which
inaugurated treason. It is said that his
tory repeats itself. According to what
is transpiring to-day it would seem as if
history was reversing itself.
Sir, let me call attention and 1 shall
occupy but a few moments of the time of
the Senate on this point to the record
of the Democratic party. Let me ask
the honorable Senator from Delaware
what party had possession of the Gov
ernment for thirty years prior to the in
auguration of the rebellion? It was the
Democratic party. That party had di
rected and shaped the policy of the coun
try, and was in possession of the Gov
ernment when the war commenced. It
had possesion of the executive, legisla
tive and judicial departments of the Gov
ernment. It was uuder the policy of the
Democratic party that the war com
menced. It was by the teachings and
the doctrines of the Democratic party
that the South were taught to rebel. It
was the Democratic party which broke
faith with the nation in repealing the
Missouri compromise which had been a
sacred compact for thirty years between
slavery and freedom. That great com
pact, which consecrated forever to human
freedom all the territory noith of the
line of 3G30'', the Democratic .party
violated or set aside at the demand of the
slave-m asters of the South in order to
force slavery on the free soil of Kansas.
Such is the record of history.
It was by a scries of aggressions and
outrages on the part of the Democratic
party that the Republican party was
called into being, founded on the great
principles that all the territory of the
United States was free and that slavery
was only a local institution. It was by
the teac hings and by the doctrines that
were proclaimed by the leaders of the
Democratic party that the war came.
What Republican ever raised his hand
against the flag of his country ? What
Republican who voted for Mr. Lincoln
ever aided in planning treason and rebel
lion? Who did it but the leaders of the
Democratic party in this Cliamberand in
tho other Hall, who sat in their seats
making laws for the United States during
the day and then met in secret conclave
all through the winter of 1860-61 ho tell
ing treason? Tell me not that the Re
publican party brought on the war and
are responsible for the national debt.
Sir, when the war came, had the Ek:m
ocratie party of the North been true to
the Government, it would not have lasted
six months. Having taucht the South
to rebel, as the northern Democracy did,
by telling the South that they would
stand by and sustain them, when the war
went on it was by the aid and encourage
ment given by the northern Derncx:racy
to the South that prolonged the war year
afcer year. I make not this accusation
against all the Democratic party. That
there were loyal men in it, I gladly ad
mit; but I speak of it as an organization.
It was disloj al from the beginning to the
end of the war. When that convention
met in the city of Chicago and declared
the war a failure, and demanded a cessa
tion of hostilities in order that peace
might be made with the rebels in arms,
that resolution wascqual to an additional
one hundred thousand men, fresh re
cruits,to the rebel lines, and a corrcspond-in-r
draft was made unon the industry and
the bone and the sinew, and the life of
the North to carry on the struggle thus
made the more desperate by the aid thus
given to the rebels by their allies of the
North. The soldier of the Union never
went into battle without feeling conscious
that he was fighting two armies, the reb
els in the front' and the northern Democ
racv in the rear.
Sir, it is not pleasant to review these
facts of history. I should not have done
it but for the declarations made by the
honorable Senators from Delaware and
California that we have brought upon the
country the war, and that we created this
immense debt. Sir, it was a Democratic
rebellion, and this is a Democratic debt,
tho legitimate offspring of Democratic
ruin nn.l Demooratic teaching, and as
such history will write down as facts,
in my iudgmcnt, because they cannot be
Now, in reference to the bill before the
Senate let me remark that I am no pre
pared to vote for the admission of Vir
ginia with her present surroundings and
in her present condition, because I have
not confidence that she will be true to the
amendments of the Constitution of the
United States which she has ratified, and
because I am compelled to believe by
concurrent testimony that there will not
be protection for the loyal people of Vir
ginia. Therefore I prefer if I err to err
on the safe side, to hold her back until we
do have sufficient guarantees guarantees
which hall not be patchwork, which shall
not be like heaps of sand, to be blown to
the winds. I want those guarantees un
der which all the people of Virginia,
Democrats and Republicans, white and
black, who obey the laws shall enjoy the
equal protection of the laws. When I
am satisfied that such condition of things
exists in Virginia then I am ready to vote
for her admission, but not until then.
The honorable Senator from Nevada
Mr. Nye, who has always been so true
to the cause of reconstruction and to the
cause of freedom, made some remarks
the other day which fell upon my ears
causing sincere regret on my part. I re
gretted to find the ahaft of his severe
sarcasm turned against those who thought
it proper to send here a respectful re
monstrance against the admission of Vir
ginia. I regretted to hear him say that
Virtriaiii, oppressed Virginia, long-suffering
Virginia, her very locks wet with the
dews of 'the night
Mr. Stewart. I never could have said
any pretty things of that sort. Laugh
ter. Mr. Thayer. I am aware of that My
friend from Nevada is not so poetical as
his colleague. He must not think that
he gives utterance to all the prettv things
that come from tho State of Nevada.
He Mr. Nvel
ye described with affecting
pathos the hardships iutlicted upon this
long-suffering, patiently-waiting State of
Virginia! She has waited till her very
locks are wet with the dews of night!
Sir, let me say to that honorable Sen
ator whose impulses and whose intentions
arc so just that there are people in Vir
ginia to-day who are tired of waiting,
waiting, waiting for that protection
which this great Government of the Uni
ted States has vouchsafed to every citi
izen who respects its authority and obeys
its commands. They have waited in
vain, and they wait to-day for those
guarantees and for those uasurnncoB of
equal protection which he and I enjoy;
an 1 in my opinion if this bill passes they
will wait in vain, and you wi;l see hun
dreds and thousands of them leaving
Virginia, as I have seen some within the
last three months, and seeking homes in
Indiana and Illinois, and seeking that
protection of the law which they cannot
find in Virginia.
The Senator from Nevada also re
marked that he was tired of this work
of reconstruction. I am not tired of the
work of reconstruction, but I am tired of
leing beaten in the work of reconstruc
tion 'by those who could not beat us in
the field Sir, we have struggled with
the rebellion from the very day Andrew
Johnson betrayed his party and his
counfry; we have been struggling with
rebellion in trying to carry out recon
struction during the last three years, and
we arc struggling with it to-day in some
of the late insurgent States.
Senators have told us that we must not
judge Virginia by Georgia and Tennessee.
I say it is proper and reasonable to judge
of Virginia by what has taken place in
Georgia and Tennessee. It is proper for
us to avail ourselves of all the lights of
experience, of all the facts in the late in
surgent States which bear upon the
question. If Georgia has trampled the
fourteenth amendment under foot it is
but reasonable to infer that the same ele
ments may accomplish the same results in
other States.
Mr. President, I embarked in this work
of reconstruction with the determination
to make it sure and permanent. It was
the declared will of the American people
speaking at the ballot-box and through
Congress, that the reconstruction laws
should be executed for the salvation of
the nation and for the guarantee of equal
rights and the maintenance of peace
throughout the revolted States. For one
I propose not to yield until the battle Ls
fully fought and the victory fully won.
For one I propose to fight it out on this
line if it takes all summer and all win
ter, and each succeeding summer and
winter till the Union is completely tri
umphant and the rebellion completely
Mr. Thayer. Mr. President, I shall
not occupy much of tho time of the Sen
ate this morning; in fact I had nearly
concluded the remarks I intended to
make yesterdav, when my friend from
Minnesota, Mr. Ramsey, desired me
to yield the floor for a motion to adjourn.
The hour being so late, and recollecting
that Senator had with great uniformity
vote 1 against all motions to adjourn, I
felt bound to oblige him. Laughter.
On Friday last an understanding was
entered into by which it was agreed that
a vote on the Senate Judiciary bill for the
admission of Virginia should be reached
yesterday at 4 o'clock. All assented to
that arrangement, and supposed from
the extraordinary haste with which the
bill was being pressed, and the zeal which
had been manifested by its friends and
the anxiety which they have shown for
an early vote, that we should have
reached it yesterday. To our surprise,
however, a motion was interposed to lay
that bill aside and substitute the House
bill, and the spectacle was presented of
my friend from Nevada, representing the
Judiciary Committee and having this
bill in charge, throwing aside hi3 owu
offspring and adopting that of another.
I can inform him that this child of his
adoption is launched upon a stormy gea
and has the prospect of a rough passarc.
Why the bill of the Senate, which had
been under discussion for a week, and for
a vote on whic h a time had been agreed
upon, should be thus summarily thrust
aside, I can only divine. An amend
ment had been made to it which, in the
judgment of some who are anxious to
have some security from Virginia, might
accomplish the purpose which they had
in view. But, sir, that is trampled under
fjot for iear if might prevail, and the
bill of the House, naked and simple, is
pressed upon the Senate. I would sug-
fest to those who are anxious thus to
ring Virginia back without conditions
and without guarantees to cast that pin
aside and to introjuce another which
shall declare that whereas the Congress
of the United States has been guilty of
oppression and wrong and outrage upon
the State of Virginia, the grand old
mother of States and of Presidents, the
noble Old Dominion, the school wherein
were taught for so many long years the
sacred doctrines ot the sublime resolu
tions of 1798. and beneath whose soi
sleep the bones of so many of our heroic
dead who perished in saving the govern
ment which Virginia was attempting to
destroy, therefore we invite her to favor
us with the light ot her restored wisaou
ami tn vm nn her Senators and Rcpre
Kcntatives. nroniisine that they shall be
admitted at once and to the chiefest pla
ces in both Houses of Congress, and de
clare to her that we express our heart
felt regret for the treatment which she
has received at our hands 1 In thai way
you will reach more directly the end to
wh'ch. it seems to me, you are now tend
ing by the legislation which is pressed
unon Congress.
Sir, less than twenty days ago Con
cress enacted a law remanding Georgia
to her former provisional condition.
Why? Because the members of the
T-ctrislature of Georgia had refused to
tatfi the oath prescribed by the recon
struction laws, and because a portion of
the members of that Legislature were
disqualified from holding office under the
third section ot the iourteemn amenu
incnt to the Constitution of the United
States ; and further, because a portion
of the members legally elected were
ousted and their places filled by those il
legally elected. To-day you are forcing
Virginia mto the Union, and you refuse
to prescribe the same condition to her
which you prescribed to Georgia. Why
this difference ? Does Virginia present
herself with a purer record than Georgia?
Has she any more claims to admission
than Gcortria? If Georgia had her An-
dersonvill Virginia had her Belle Isle
nn.l Libbv. If the voice of oppressed
loyal people in Georgia came to the Halls
of Congres demanding tnat protection
which you have guaranteed to all who
obey the law the same voice has come up
from the plains; the valleys, and the
mountains of irginia, demanding the
interposition of Federal power to give to
her loval people that same protection of
Government and of law. ith one hand
we remanded Georgia to military power
for violated conditions ; with the other
vou restore Virginia without conditions !
llonorable gentlemen may have an ex
planation, but of its wisdom the future
will determine.
It will be recollected that in the act
which was passed declaring certain of
the lately insurgent States restored to the
Union certain conditions were prescribed.
I refer to the act of June 25, 18G8,
wherein it is expressly declared as follows:
"That each of the States of North
Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, lu
isiana, Alabama, Arkansas and Florida
shall be entitled and admitted to repre
sentation in Congress as a State in the
Union when the Legislature of said State
shall have duly ratified the amendment
to the Constitution of the United States
proposed by the Thirty-Ninth Congress
and known as article fourteen, upon the
following fundamental condition: that
the constitution of neither of said States
shall ever be so amended or changed as
to deprive any citizen or class of citizens
of the United States of the right to vote
in said State who are entitled to vote by
the constitution thereof herein recog
nized, except as a punishment for
crime," &o.
The Congress of the United States ex
prca:ly declared thnt the JjCglsiamtt-t
those States should ratify and agree and
pledge their sacred honor to that funda
mental condition, that, the right of suff
rage should never be abridged or taken
away from any portion of their citizens
who were entitled to vote except for
crime. Why, I ask the senator from
Nevada and those who are acting with
him, do you refuse now. two years later,
to app y the same condition and require
the same pledge from the State of Vir
ginia? hat has she done to entitle her
to this immunity ? i hat will be the in
ference to be drawn by Virginia on the
refusal of Congress to require this same
pledge? It must inevitably be that she
may do with impunity that which you re
quired Georgia to pledge herself she
would not do, because you do not require
the same pledge from Virginia ; and,
judging by the past, we may have abund
ant reason for believing that she will
make use of the privilege that we thus
give to her.
Now, Mr. President, let me refer to
the statement which has been repeatedly
made in this Chamber that we have com
mitted ourselves to the reception of Vir
ginia back into the Union by our previ
ous legislation. That statement or charge
has been iterated and reiterated again
and again, and yet not a Senator has
pointed to one single line in these acts of
reconstruction which committed us to
the admission or the restoration of Vir-
. i 1 1 . 1 CI.-
gmi when sue mignt apply, oecuon
six of the act of March 2, 18G7, pro
vide "That until the people of the said rebel
States shall be by law admitted to repre
sentation in the Congress of the United
States any civil governments which may
exist therein shall b deemed provisional
only, and in all respects subject to the
paramount authority of the United
States at any time to abolish, modify,
control, or supersede the same."
The act of April 10, 1809, has this
further provision on this subject in refer
ence to Virginia, Mississippi, and Texas:
"And be ft further emitted, That the
proceedings in any of said States ehall
not be deemed final or operate as a com
plete restoration thereof until their ac
tion respectively shad be approved by
Can language be any plainer than that?
I challenge my friend from Nevada or
any other Senator who has made this
statement to show one line or one word
in these acts which binds us to the un
conditional restoration of Virginia. On
the contrary, the section which I have
just read expressly admits and places it
in the power of review and
revise the action of Virginia, and we are
not in any particular committed to re
ceive her on her application. So much
for the charge of violated pledges and vi
olated faith.
Butt sir, in admitting Virginia to-day
there is a violated pledge and violated
faith. We have solemnly premised to
the faithful people of Virginia that they
shall have the equal protection of the
law and the blessings of good govern
ment. I appeal to every Republican
Senator in this presence to-day if he is
sure he is making that pledge good to
that oppressed people? No, sir; the
declarations of too many of those who
avow themselves in favor of the passage
of the bill show what universal distrust
there is in regard to this legislation ; and
yet we are urged to put it right through
without let or hindrance. We are urged
to turn the true people of Virginia over
to the rule of those who still love treason
and hate the Union.
M r. President, you and I and all others
holding positions of honor and trust un
der the authority and Government of the
United States are required to subscribe to
a certain oath, sometimes called the iron
clad oath, the oath of 18G2. The Legis
lature of Virginia met in a provisional
capacity. Could its members be required
to take an oath les? binding and less re--
strictive than we ? They met as mem
bers of the Legislature of Virginia un
der the authority of the laws of Congress
as a provisional body. How can they es
cape taking that oath which is required
of all who hold office under the authority
of the Government of the United States
There is statutory authority for the po
sition which I am presenting, for the
concluding portion of section six of the
act of March 2, 1867, an act to provide
for the more efficient government of the
rebel States, is as follows :
"And no person shall be eligible to any
office under such provisional govern
ments who would be disqualified from
holding office under the provisions of the
third section of said constitutional amend
If that oath is not applied to the mem
bers of the Virginia Legislature, how,
nrav. are vou to ascertain whether thev
are disqualified under the third section of
the fourteenth amendment f Bir, it was
the spirit and intent, expressed and im
plied, running all through the reconstruc
tion enactments, that the oath should be
rcouired. which would purge the Legisla
ture of those who are disqualified. How
does Congress know whether there are
or are not members in that Legislature
who are disqualified by the provision to
i ti j- t: j n
wnicn x nave rcicrreu i urn vuugresa in
tend to perpetrate the farce of passing a
constitutional amendment which should
disoualifv certain persons for reasons
therein set forth, and yet permit those
same persons to become members of the
very Legislature which were to ratify or
reject that constitutional amendment?
H' 1 . 1 . i . . . 1 ?
ma you miena to perpetrate ine incon
sistency? Did you intend to place it in
the power of those who have been war
ring unon the Government, and would
be disqualified under the proposed
amendment to have the power to reject
that verv amendment which Congress
and the country had declared to be nec
essary to guard against future rebellion
and as a guarantee lor luture peace !
The very statement of the case shows
the inconsistency of the course. Sir, it
was but just and right at least that they
should be required to take the same oath
which all others are required to take who
enter upon offices ot honor or trust
under the Government of the United
Mr. President, if any measures have
ever received tho sanction and approval
of the American people the reconstruo
tion measures have received that sanc
tion and approval. They were submitted
to the people in the canvass of 1868, and
after a canvass unsurpassed for exhaust-
lessness of argument and thoroughness of
discussion these measures did receive
the sanction and approval of the Ameri
lean people ; and it there is one principle
running through those measures which
received their sanction more than another
it is that one which guarantees to all the
people of the Union who are law-obedi
ent and law-abiding equality of justice,
eauality of law ; it is that one which rec
ognizes citizenship in those once enslaved
and guarantees to them the nation a pro
tection. And it there is one course
which they will approve above another
on the part of their national legislators
it is that one which those shall follow
out to the end who are determined to
see the provisions of the reconstruction
laws finally triumphant in all the States
of the South.
We have got.e through struggles in
the field and struggles in the civil de
partments of the Government; we are
struggling to-day with the rebellion, not
in the field but in another form, and the
question is not yet settled which is tri
umphant. 1 propose to tollow out the
course which I have indicated and vote
against the admission of Virginia, be
cause we have not, in my judgment, the
proper guarantees for present and future
oAonrity ......
Do you ask whence comes the power
to secure these guarantees ! I answer,
the power is inherent in the Government
itself to preserve its existence, to main
tain its own authority, to execute its
provisions. It not expressed, it Ls there
is selt-evident, is selt-existing. It is
the God given right of self-prese. vation
which is in all Governments. The pow
er exists within this Government to pre
serve itself ; if not expressed it is im
plied. It is there. The right to exist
implies the power to preserve. The end
to be attained implies the right to do
that which is necessary to attain lL It
is lawful to execute all the provisions of
the Constitution to save the Govern
ment; it is the sovereignty of govern
ment ; and it it is not set forth in statu
tory or constitutional form it exists in
this higher ground, that there is power
within the Government to secure its own
self-protection and 6elf-perpetuation,
which is to the Government as the right
of self-defense to the individual. Eng-
and has no written constitution, but she
has a strong Government. Tins princi
ple lies at the foundation of all govern
ment, the right to preserve its own ex
istence, and in the absence of it all gov
ernments must fail. It is the common
aw of government That Government
which cannot sustain itself is a failure.
That Government which cannot protect
the rights of its citizens is a mockery.
If the State tails to do this, then the
United States must enable her to do it,
if the failure results from want of power,
or compel her if it is a voluntary failure,
for the United States are sovereign and
the State but a constituent part. In the
absence of this principle the Government
of the Union falls. But we are not left
to inferential grants of powers. Sec
tion eight of the first article of the Con
stitution of the United States declares
"The Congress shall have power to
mak all laws which shall be necessary
and proper for carrying into execution
the foregoing powers, and all other pow
ers vottadby the Constitution in the Gov
ernment of the United States, or any
Department or officer thereof."
1 h -foregoing powers and all other
powers vested in the government must
be executed in order to form a perfect
union in Virginia; in order to establish
justice in Virginia; in order to insure
domestic tranquility in Virginia; in order
to provide for the common defence in
Virginia; in order to promote the genera!
welfare in Virginia; in order to secure
the blessing of liberty to the people of;
Virginia, and to their posterity for- j
If Virginia has not secured these ob
jects for her people then the powers ne
cessary to secure them must be executed
and Congress must make the law requi
site for their execution. The day of
State rights dogmas has come to an end.
There is a national government, a central
government, to which States must yield
the supremacy. I claim for the govern
ment the exercise ofthis power in the
case of a State which has not rebelled.
How much stronger and more substantial
is the claim for its exercisejn the case of a
State which has severed its relations with
the Union and destroyed all civil govern
ment. !
But there is further authority in the
Constitution for this intervention, this
interposition of Federal power. Section
four, article four, declares that
"The United States shall guarantee to
every State in this Unien a republican
form of government."
There can be no dispute on this propo
sition namely, that congress i the power
to execute this trust, this guarantee; and
it is equally clear that Congress must
determine the mode and manner c-fitsex-ecution,
what is to be done, how it is to
be done, and when it is to be done. It
may be by legislation and it may be by
refusing representation. It i r-t course
left to Congress to determine what is a re
publican form of government; that being
determined, its dutv is binding to see
that such a government is enforced in all
the States. Under this constitutional
trust tho obligation rests upon Congress
to make sure that such a government is
established in Virginia. A failure to ac
complish this result is a failure of the war
for the Union. We are charged with
hiehand responsible trusts: we must sec
that they are faithfully executed. No
clamor for immediate admission should
shut our eves to the danger of such ad
mission. It is the command of the
American people that the reconstruction
laws should be completely and effectually
executed to secure the rights and the
liberties of all citizens of the Republic.
Let reconstruction be radical, sure, com
plete, perpetual; then the war for the
Union will indeed be triumphant.
Mr. President, I harbor no bitterness
toward the people of Virginia or the
people of the South who have been in
rebellion. I am actuated by no vindic
tive feeling toward them. I only ask for
equal laws and equal justice and equal
protection. We have shown to the peo
ple of the south that we are ready to take
them by the hand when they meet us
with a corresponding spirit; when they
evince a disposition to carry out the re
construction acts and sustain them in
good faith we would receive them with
generous hearts and forget the past.
Uutunltl I can see that spirit in the
people of Virginia I shall withhold my
vote for her admission.
Farm ers
Farmer's Feed Stable
Corner of Sixth and Vine Streets, One Block
North of the Presbyterian Church, Plattsmouth,
Flattsniouth, Neb.,
Repairers of Steam Engine. Boilers. Saw and
Grist Mills.
Gaa and bteam i lttinfrx. Wrought Iron Pipe.
Force and Tift Pumps, Steam Uuuees, Balanee
Valve Governors, and all kinda of
Brass Engine Fittings,
furnished on nhort notice.
Repaired on short notice.
William Sfculelmaiiii,
Ready-Made Clothing,
Hats, Caps, Boots, Shoes, Trur t. Valises and
South Side Main Street,
PlaUsnioiitli, Neb.
I am Aeent for the beet Musical Instrument
mnde. Persons wishing to buy Piauos. Cabinet,
Metropolitan or Porfabls Ortruns. or Melodeons
can purchase through my Acency on as liberal
terms as they can from the inaufacturers them
selves. Al Instruments fully warranted.
aprltf. J. N. WISE.
Manufacturer of all kinds of
Farming Eiiiplemen ts.
Such as the celebrated Rod Break in e Plows.
Mould Board Breakers. Stirring PIowh, Single
nd Double hhovclx. Cultivators and Harrows.
KepairinK done on short notice. All work war
Havinar had much experience in the business.
I feel aexured that I can give fteneral satisfac
tion. Please give me a call before purchasing;
elsewhere. C. K. FORUrT
FlaUsmouth. Neb.. May 6, 1867.
Flour, Grain Provisions, and
Canned Goods,
HIDES, WOOL, etc.,
Corner Pearl and Court Streets,
Council Blufr.Iowa
Cor Iflain and Second Sts ,
Rkperkwcks. First National Bank. Ctnneil
Bluff j officer f-Pusey. Bankers. Council Bluffs;
First National Bank, Omaha: Omaha National
Bank, Omaha; Rogers -Co., Cheyenne; Bough
ton f- Bartholow. Bryan; Gilbert t- Field,
Chi7o. Bartholow, Lewis Jk Co., St. Louis, Mo.
J. M. KUAN & CO,,
(Successors to J. M. Uinchman.)
Druggists & Apothecaries.
Drugs and Hediciiies,
For Mechanical and Medicinal pnrposaa.
Keep constantly en band a fall and well assorted
Physicians prescriptions carefully compound
ed by an experienced Druggist. None but the
purest medicines used. All (roods warranted aa
epresented. Call and see.
Main Street, South Side.
St. Louis, Mo.,
Chicago, II!.,
on the
Securing the Greatest
1st. This is a Western Company, managed by Western men, whose known (irinn:iin i;il i l,:,r..
ter, ability and position, afford ample guaranty
Jil. 1U folK-es are an nou-irninu.
3d. Premium all . It receives no notes
to pay, and no outstanding notes as liens upon
4th. Dividends anJ losses are paid in cash.
5th. It insures at lower rates than any Eastern company.
6th. Its risks are in the n out, where the
higher than in the East; hence the accumulation
in any Eastern Company.
7th. It has no restriction upon travel.
Its dividends are made upon the contribution plan.
Its business is exclusively life insurance.
Arc the accumulations of interest upon premiums paid, hence tho Company that loiins it j u -.-rt.-
atthc highest rate of interest can give you the largest dividends. Eastern companies inn tin ir
moneys at 6 percent., while this makes its investments at twelve per rent, or more.
The advantage of Western investments to the policy holder a. pours in the following .-t.irtlii (,-
figures: The amount of $1,000, invented for fifty years ut
6 per cent, compound interest, is $ 18,431.11
" " " 3.fjl.:i
" " 117.300.
12 " " " " S18,008.0ti
H. D. Mackay, President,
E. Henseley, Vice-President,
Geo. A. Moore, Secretary,
E. W. Eaves, Treasurer,
D. M. Swan, General Agcrt
J. L. Wever, M. D., Consulting Physician.
EOUT1 V il
H. D. Mackay, George
H. Edgerton,
TIi is Comnany Iiinupon
any Eastern
1 Kansas, do hereby certify that the
Missouri Valley Life
organized and doing business under the laws of
In witness where I have hereunto subscribed my
( 1 r t 1 t ii: i i
owu ui nuu- t am jlou, luc uaj atuu year aoove
itor of State.
ine umiorsignea saiL"iaciory evidence tliat it has invested One jluinire.l i. .i,. V i i
lam of iu capital in United States Government Bond,, of the den," i, -m V ve-T wen , '
and are possessed of the same. And I do further certify that sui.l c.m, ,,! i ' . : . I
dred Thousand Dollars of said United states lionds'fllh
Company ; and that I hold in trust and ou deposit for the benetit of -ai, ,,li yUl.lers the s ' -nr v
aUve mentioned, and I am satisfied that sueh securities aro worth One Hundred Thou-a id . Wr
lawiul money of the Lnited Mates of Amer ea au aiiou. uim iMiur
IS HEREBY CERTIFIED, That the Missouri Valley Life Insui
surauce Company, organized under the laws
cated at the city of Leavenworth has complied with the rruiremr; the h, 'A n 'tl ,r lyl 'X
thirty-second, thirty-third and thirty-fourth sections of an Act of tt.e lienen.l A,,e, , i , i U
State of Missouri, entitled An act for the incorporation and regulation of I.i(e ,-..r,. .......
mes." approved March 10th. a. d. iSi'J. so far aa
pursuant to the thirty-sixth section of uh.uI Act, the said Missouri Vulley Lily Iritinifjee Oimr.-in1
is herebv authorized to do business as a Life Assurance Coiiiounv will. in ihuai.;,i ...... . c . '"
subject to the several provisions and requirements
rnary, in the year of our Ixml eighteen hundred ami seventy. '
In testimony whereof, I, W'yllys Kino, undersigned. Superintendent of the Inr.n... ti. .
beal of Insurance JJe-I ment oi sait htate or
Superintendent of the
(To expire on the 31st day of January, 1870.)
Ikscrakce Dbpartmest. Ofvk-k of State Acditoi:.!
Wherkas. Abram B. Covalt. State Aa-ent for th MU,.h' vl! : i .,i-'ra."kaV A "ril. ls,;'-'-
c:ited at Leavenworth. Kansa. has filed in this office a copy of the Aet of ' I ration "l
Company, and a statement under oath, showing IU condition, as required bv ih fifth T Ve. ti.,., .
lnw of the State of Nebraska, entitled "An Act in Relation to InsiirVJw.o i- jettiun I
iebruary 15th. 1U: approved February 12th. 15; and whereas T!..,V - n!"",l'? ',l,rV';
undersigned sntisfactory evidence that it is posses-ed of Wnereui'' Ba,d Company has furni.died lb
uive Hundred Thousand Dollars.
of actual capital, ; invested in the i stocks of at least
estate worth double the amount for which the same
an'i in utuau ui i vuiupaui
" " "7 i";m tor ami in
i.; l . j .n.i r. ii . r jV
ointment as sucn agent, and by the laws of this
.n witness whereof. I have subscribed mv name,
C. 8. affixed this 1st day of April. A. D.l.
If . 5 yalio. a it serve.1 upon the Company, according to the 1;.hs ofthis Si.te or ny ,tv r
State, and waiving all claims of error by reason of sueh service : rid where-!- A1,V . . V. V Vt
has furnished satisfactory evdence that he is the authorized Awn t of bwSPut
There ore be it known by these presents, that in pursuance of the aforesaid Art f' J..l.n fiill.-i-le.
Auditor of the State of Nebraska, do herebv n:rv.h.i 1 1..." i,.,ul J",,nV. ':.
State Agent for Nebraskaatid Xortlieru Kansas.
R. R. LIVINGSTON, Med. Examiner
- - $500,000.00
Indianapolis, Ind.,
San Francisco, Cal.
Contribution J5.l:m,
Advantage to the Policy Holders.
lor its careful uud rui-ctrlul iiniiiat;i iiii i.t.
and gives none. Polii y holders have no Int. r -t
their policies.
mto of mortality is lower and tho rate
f i 1 1 1 -1 -1
of dividends to the policy bolder i- 4;re:il
R. Hines, E. Henseley.
d. W. Eaves.
- - m. ajr I i i j
oi ncr. (
ri.y JiN?A8' February -Wli. l-wi:
lhat I, A. Iuoma.v, Auditor of the :
Insurance Company,
the State
name, and the seal of my ofTU-e ,
A. TKQMAN. Auditor of State of Kjii-;i.
-'. ..oiioii u I II .t Ullliri tl'IJ I i' rti : il'.l
if It nno.i. .1 , i
Auinuiuii iu lit) mxTWy
of th Xtut ..r .... " r.i ?. ." " Xj.i'' ')"
the ks-:1
of the Act aforesaid, uutil the firsi il,v , ,"i ' '
Missouri, have heret i et my hand miT.I ,.i , v. 1
Insurance Department of tho Sua of Mit.
par viilue. or in bonds or on r -A
is inortimired and where! ! . , . V ,t
ft PV . V inBl.M.,... . 1 l ' . . L
i ;."''' wiopnuy, in mediate in .
State, until the 3lt , ..r t ....... . .. i-
Denail OI sunt Irinimnv tl,, I l.v l,u
and v, c i ....u.. . , . .' i ..
J oil N Gl I.I. KS IMK s'ii A H i t 'r
consenting tnat service of process um.n l,,.ii ... ;..l.. .