Kt.'! -' "- 'v
" any man attempts to haul doicn the Jlmerican Flag, shoot him on the spot." John A. Dix.
VOL. I.
PL.ATTSMOUTII. N. T., WEDNESDAY, DEC. 20,! 1865.
1NO
.
THE HERALD
IS PUBLISHED EVERY
WEDNESDAY MORNING,
BY
II. r. HATHAWAY,
EDITOR. AND PROPRIETOR,
j J-Oftct co:Lr y., strtt and Leve, tercud
Terms: per annum, invariably
in advanc.
J'alcs of .Idrerlising.
p.Ti.i'f (sicn-.- i.f tt-u tin--) one iuserLiun,
Etnii snii-.- iient iu--rr!u
V 'j-irirr r- rmia ...r 1-s. -cr finimra
MX Ill-tlt!l4
" 1 1. r- u months
St.. 10
l.M
10 OD
2.1 K
3ft (O
' :0
4. I"
i5.n)
13 ""
IS. CO
'i-VOU
0 naif co! i':'n
mi-nth
mouth
" li.ree mouths
Otir'imn tw-lvf rn.ir.lii-l
hi x i:i.-'i;ii- -
' l re i!i'i:.t!i-i -
!i trT. v.t ;l.ivil".i ei:i-r.t Binil be ril tot in
i"v.ii-
WVurr par-l l id iall kln.! of JuU W n-k
,1 irt n -j 1 1. f, mil iu a ij it
f-t'-,H.
wi.l give tat.-
gucuK.osi jUtcctonj.
H. R LIVINGSTON, M. D.
Physician
and Surgeon,
al scrvics to the ci'iz--n (
T.-.J-- I'
pru"
l-1.,.-..'itny.
Vi:-i-l-r.
I"r.i:ik Wl.it. V- li u
l Irtio- mi M.un s
r, r-pni--r of i
IS1
I'l
WILLITT POTTENGER
ATTOKNEY AT LAW,
rr. ATI'S MOLT 1 1 - Sr.r.KASlvA.
t. n 3i a "ii q i ett.
ATTORNEY AT LAW
tvn-
Solicitor in Chancery.
rLATTSMi 'I'TII, - - NEBK4SKA.
JCSETII jSCIILATER.
Yf ATCTiMAKEIl and JEWELER,
'M IX S TltllltT,
ri.ATTsMonn, - - nkduaska.
t l.il s- .riwnt i.MUt . CI - lVn !,
J.w- I- y. .;.. W.ir-, l- .inc ; " Vi..!r m.t Vi
n r L. , aji ii h ind. Ait worn coiii-9-.::-4
t.' I.j- ?. . 1 '; vT:.r"unitjJ.
S r. i'.'. '.
II. C. ICYi S,
NOTARY PUBL C
and
(Y)NVEVANC Kit-
l -t ' T' I' 'V-r far I. au l Xrhra-
k lA.-H-iii ill -t ii .1 !. SiC.
f-fr- x . 1. 1. - riitraMfl t.i his cat' will rccelr.)
I-.. .:.( .
N T
A: -il 0':-i. tf
Aafif?ii:il :iaiin Agency.
WASHINGTON- D C-
F. M.
DCRRINGTON.
S f :t AUKNT:
PL AT i'SM 1" Til, - - M'.DRASKA,
It ; 'V iri) i t-i
i'-y ;ie , t" i
i r
t iic s m " 1 1 t r
A.tr.l I". ''
pre, lit :iiiJ pr.'-M-n'i' f!"i;m b- f re
t ..rrirfim. au! Or Opii tin. nH. Ta-i-.
i..'int I--1. 1 lin:ity LainN .'
' ua rn" ni't'!'i r- . nil in t-r-M'tiTi t'-
t-i,, r!.ti::i. k M. D N 'J I'U
I J. 13. WHSKLFiR.
NOTARY I'UliLIC
AN?
.COMMISSIONER OF DEEDS
Fire and Life Ins, Ag't,
. Ii
f . l.i. iu ii' iiiist ;.ivornment.
f t S-.:.l.-r-.
: 1.,
, r ;.!-.. x ii'l ruin." ln-ns. Acml
i-.. hh'I ii i ( l-i'is ami ity projer
f '!'.. 'M - i . t -. l'tijnu ui of TttXus in all
:.r.i.k:i i Wf..i ni Iowa. AtteaiM t.
- . ; !..; (i. iiiTiil I.au.l , Iusuruncc,
t ii-1 t'.ii--i'u frllcy.
r- t ll t.ur-irci ir.i-n iu N-ljraik.
u-li, X. T , Jl.iy 1 iO...
PLATTE VALLEY
0. W.CaOV,
PROP
I m prt-p:tr'' 1 to ftirnili a'l who may favor me
tlw r ;itMm!i;;n, With I-ulin, sinu U in'U or
fcKi(i tv tli- 'k. O. W.t'HUW.
VlaitiM .t -It, Ari I I-, yl
MRS. L. GOLDING,
I'RACTICAL
MID-WIFE,
Ha T:r:!.-ii.'U !!ro,ssful'y for srvt-ral reaiH in St.H
l.oiji- ai d iu l.iMvnworih rity. Va luc-tet, pro-
fl"Iirt ! V. 1U t't'itl-Ml, ii I li-
Mri. 'l;nn has : in tnti:tly located .n this citj.
E'-i.t-i. " i i tiie U'r;h-west pa: t of t w ii.
Ju t rf
llcss & Finisher
liive Just opMit-l and rt-fi'-lcJ tlicir
Saloon and Restaurant
L'Vfe sir et, "-.ith i-r M-tio. wh.r thy will furni-h
l l tim-r. T li- l-i-sl .lil.-. lh iiihi kel Htfordn.
F:i:h' I.I A ' 7 evf.y moronic ttwetM'n 9 1-2
I" i-J. ZJPy Jiixirders ticcommo'ititrd.
POIi SALE.
E'ht or Ttii Tlioronli
Ititl American
MERINO RAMS
T:.y ,ri t'cd v J. P. W!kf r, Wjfining County.
Y , xv. A 9: .-J t-v hs lamo'is old slock buck
"Ei-itf!.'- "lialrn" br-. l.y vcti. CuitirfS
f V-ntor.t. aol a l a:f brother of hit celob'aird
t t M ,n ivr-" -'Oiit )Is,!. n'' has t-hnm i3 I i
f ?:! cf ! cf i se yrjr'i growth. 'or funhcr
la'srimslu'-a ir.qui.-eif
J X WIHS. r:ittmri.l?i,br
WAIKEB, Silt OrM Fvi
lustrav rVoticc
Tkn i:i ai
f-i f.-w, a!
CiV, n-.-i
"tnt- a-.u U
:!. i-i.I -nee ol the sutwerit-er inSou'U
Ji m.ir-i wtt from l'latim-i!li, oue
yers eld. I. no back, do brands or
it ai-o, one r?-l Calf, nhite ppot on
nv.nths ..l; uo braoiU or maiks per-
f T:T,,.)i.r h, Nov. lltli,
FOUXTAIX.
IN tray IVotice.
TaVn up ' u ti e r-rrriii- of tlie sub-criber 2 nills
J ' ! c' Hatmuouth, i nt brindl Coir, Kith li tter
tt " t i,1r na nirlil hip. about 11 oi 14 year olJ,
10 "-t-r ui.irku or I rai 'Ij pt-rceiTable.
a.s-j, u;,, j'jji,. r j Cj, "om hit; on rump, while
1 -.'. -U- i:i r.-reh-nJ. half of tail wlii:--. riglii born
L" .'o'.e a; ! .,ut 8 iacli'.-; uoo'.i.T tuaiki or brauiij
t-t .-.l.ie.
H at:M,w ith.X. v lOih, 16.1.
President's Message.
Fellow citizens of the Senate and House
of Representatives:
To express gratitude to God, in the
name of the people, for the preservation
of the United Slates, is my first duty in
addressing- you. Our thoughts next re
vert to the death of the late President
by an act of parricidal treason. The
grief of the nation is still fresh; it finds
some solace in the consideration that he
lived to enjoy the highest proof of its
confidence by entering on the renewed
term of the Chief Magistracy, to which
he had been elected; that he brought
the civil war substantially to a close ;
that his loss was deplored in nil parts of
the Union; and that foreign nations have
rendered justice to his memory. His
removal cast upon me a heavier weight
of cares thin ever devolved upon an
of his predecessors. To fulfill my trust
I need the support and confidence of all
who are associated with me in the vari
ous departments oT Government, an 1
the support and confidence of the peo
ple. There is but one way in which I
can hope to gain their necessary aid; it
is to stnte with frankness the principles
which guide my conduct, and their ap
plication to the present stale of affairs,
well aware that the efficiency of my la
bors will, in u great measure, depend
on your and their undivided approbation
The Union of the United States of
America was intended by its authors to
laM as long as the States themselves
shall last. "The Union shall be perpet
ual." are the words of the Confedera
tion. "To form a more perfect Union,"
by an ordinance of the people of the
I'r.i'.td States, is the declared purpose
of the Constitution. The hand of Di
vine Providence was never more plain
ly visible in the atfairs of men than in
iho framing and adopting of that instru
ment. It is, beyond comparison, the
rpaie?t event in American history, and
indeed is ii not, of a'l events in modern
times, the mo?t pregnant with conse
quences for every people of the earth?
, The inomliors of the Convention which
! prepared it, brought to their work the
i experience of the Confederation of the
j several States, and of other Republican
j (luiernments, old and new; but they
j needed and they obtained a wisdom su
i perior to experience. And when for
its validity it required the approval of a
people that occupied a large part cf a
continent and acted separately in mauy
Jiaiincl conventions, what is more won
derful that, after earnest contention and
long discusbion, all feelings and all opin
ions were ultimately drawn in one way
to iu support?
The Const'lution to which life was
ihus imparted, contains within itself
ample re.ources for its own preserva
tion. It lias power to enforce the laws
and punish treason, and ensure domes
tic tranquility. In case of the usurpa
tion of tli9 government of a State by
one man, or an oligarchy, it becomes
the duty of the United States to make
good the guarantee to that State of a
Republican form of government, and
so to maintain the homogeneousness of
all. Djes the lapse of time reveal de
fecit? A simple mode of amendment
i provided in the Constitution itself, so
that its conditions can alivays be made
to conform to the requiremnts of ad
vancing civilization. No room is allow
ed even for the thought of a possibility
of its coming to an er.d. And these
powers of self preservation have always
been asserted in their complete integri
ty by every patriotic Chief Magistrate,
j by Jefferson and Jackson, not less than
by Washington and Madison. The
parting auvice oi tne r atner or. nis
Countiv. while vet President, to the
people of the United States, was thalj
'the free Constitution, which was the
work of their hands, might be sacredly
maintained;" and the inaugural words
of President Jefferson held up " the
preservation of the General Govern
ment, in its constitutional vigor, as ihe
sheet anchor of our peace at home and
safety abroad." The Constitution is the
work cf "the people of the United
Stales," and it should be as indestruct
ible as the people.
Ii is not strange that the framers of
the Constitution, which had no model in
the past, should not have fully compre
hended the excellence of their own
work. Fresh from a struggle against
arbitrary power, many patriots suffered
from harratsing fears of an absorption
of the State Governments by the Gen
eral Government, and many from a
dread that the Slates would break away
from their orbits. But the very great
ness of our country should allay the ap
prehension of encroachments by the
General Government. The subjects
that' come unquestionably wiihin its ju
riidiction are so numerous, that it mutt
ever naturally refuse to be embarrassed
by questions that lie beyond it. Wer-j
it otherwise, the Executive would sink
beneath the burden; the channels of jus
tice would be choked; legislation wjutd
be obstructed by excess; so that there is
a greater temptation to exercise some
of the functions of the General Gov
ernment through the States than to tres
pass on their rightful sphere. "The
absolute acquiescence in the decisions of
the majority" was, at the beginning of
this century, enforced by Jefferson "a
tne vital principle oi Kfuunu, uu wc
events of the last four years hive es
tablished, we will hope forever, that
there lies no appeal to force.
The maintenance cf the Union brings
with it -'the support of the State Gov
ernments in all thuir rights;" but it is
not one of the rights of any State Gov
ernment to renounce its own place in
the Union, or to nullify the laws of the
Union. The largest liberty is to be
maintained in the discussion of the ac'.s
of the Federal Goverenment; but there
is no appeal from its laws, except to the
various branches of that Government
itself, or to the people, who grant to the
members of the Legislative and Exec
utive Departments no tenure but a lim
ited erne, and in that manner always
retain the powers of redress.
"The Sovereignly of the States" is
the language of the Confederacy, and
not the language of the Constitution.
The latter contains these emphatic
words: "The Constitution and the laws
of the United States which shall be
made in pursuance thereof, and all
treaties made or which shall be made
under the authority of the United States
shall be the supreme law of the land;
and the Judges in every State thall be
bound thereby, anything in the Consti
tution or Jaws of any Stato to the con
trary notwithitar.ding."
Certainly the Government of the
United Stated is a limited government,
and to every State government is a lim
ited government. With us, this idea of
limitaiion tpreads through every form
of administration, general, state and
municipal, and rests on the great dis
tinguishing principle of the recognition
of the rights of man. The ancient re
publics absorbed the individual in the
State, prescribed hi religijn and con
trolled his activity. The American sys
tem rests on the assertion of the equal
right of every man to life, liberty and
ihe pursuit of happiness; to freedom of
conscience, to the culture and exercise
of all his faculties. As a consequence,
the State Government is limited, as to
the General Government in the interest
cf Union, as to the individual cilien in
the interest of freedom.
States, with proper limitstions of
power, are essential to ihe existence of
the Constitution cf the United States.
At the very commencement, whtn we
assumed a place among the powers of
ihe earth, the Declaration cf Indepen
dence was adojueU rjy ftiaiet;; so also,
were the Articles of Confederation;
and when the "People tf the United
Siates" ordained and established the
Constitution, it was the asent of the
Stales one by one, which gave it author
ity. In the event too, of any amend
ment to the Coiit-tiiuiion, the prcpo.-iiion
of Congress needs ihe confirmation of
States. Without States one great branch
of the legislative government would be
wanting. And. if we look beyond the
letter of the Constitution to the charac
ter of the country, its capacity fr com
prehending within its jurisdiction a vasl
continental empire is due to the system
of States. The best security for the
perpetual existence of the States is the
"supreme authority" of the Constitution
of the United States. The perpetuity
of the Constitution brings with it the
perpetuity of the States; their mutual
relation makes us what we are, and in
our political system their connection is
indissoluble. The whole cannot exist
without the farts, nor the parts without
the whole. So long as the Constitution
endure?, the Slates will endure; the
destruction of the one is the destruction
of the other; the preservation of the
one is the preservation of the other.
I have thus explained my views of
the mutual relations of the Constitution
and the States, because they unfold the
principles on which I have sought to
solve
the momentous questions and
overcome the appalling difficulties that
met me al the very commencement or
my administration. It has been my
steadfast object to escape from the sway
of momentary passions, and to derive
a healing policy from the fundamental
and unchanging principles of the Con
stitution. I found the states suffering from the
effects of a civil war. Resistance to
the general government appeared to
have exhausted itself. Th United
States had recovered possession of iheir
forts and arsenals; and their armies
were in th occupation of every State
which had attempted to secede. Wheth
er the terntery within the limits of
those states should be held as conquered
territory, under military authority em
anating from the president as the head
of the army, was the first question that
presented itself for decision.
Now, military governments, estab
lished for an indefinite period, would
have offered no security for the early
suppression of discontent; would have
divided the people into the vanquishers
and the vanquished; and would have
envenomed hatred, raiher than restor
ed affection. Once established, no pre
cise limit to their continuance was con
ceivable. They would have occasioned
an incalculable and exha-isting expense.
Peaceful emigration to and from that
portion of the country is one of the best
means that can be thought of for the
restoration of harmony; and that emi
gration would hare been prevented, for
what emigrant from abroad, what in
dustrious citizen at home, would place
himself willingly under military rule?
The chief persons who would have fol
lowed in the train of the army would
have been dependants on the General
Government, or men who expected prof
it from the miseries of their erring fellow-citizens.
The powers of patronage
and rule which would have been exer
cised, under the President, over a vast
and populous, and naturally wealthy re
gion, are greater lhan, unless under ex
treme necessity, I should be willing to
trust tq any one man; they are such as,
for myself, I could never, unless on oc
casiens of great emergency, consent to
exercise. : ; The willful use of such pow
ers, if continued through a period of
years, would have endangered the pu
rity of the Genera Administration and
the liberties of the States which re
mained loyal.
Besides, the policy of military rule
over a conquered territory would hav
implied lhat ihe States whose inhabi
tants may have taken part in the rebel
lion had, by the act of those inhabitants
ceased 10 exist. But the true theory is,
that all pretended acts of secession were
from the beginning null aud void. The
States cannot committreason, nor screen
the individual citizens who may have
committed treason, any more than they
can make valid treaties to engage in
lawful commerce with any foreign pow
er. The States attempting to secede
placed themselves in a condition where
their vitality was impaired but not ex
tinguished their functions suspended
but not destroyed.
Bji if an' State neglects or refuses
to perform its office, there is the more
need that the General Government i
should maintain all its authority, and as
soon as practicable, resume ihe exercise
of all its functions. On this principle
I have acted, and have gradually and
quietly, and by almost imperceptible
step, sought to restore the rightful en
ergy of the General Government and
of the States. To that end, Provisional
Governors have been appointed for the
Statos, Conventions called, Governors
tlectid, Legislatures assembled, and
Senators and Representatives chosen
to the Congress of the United States.
Al the t-ame time, the Courts of the
Un'ted States, as far as could be done,
have been re opened, so that the laws
of the United States may be enforced
through their agency. The blockade
has been removed and the Custom
I,U.,SJ ro o.t-i liheu iu ports ot entry,
so that the revenue of the United States
may be collected.
The PoRtoffice Department renews
its ceaseless activiiy, and the General
Government is thereby enabled to com
municate promptly with its officers and
agent?.
The courts bring security to persons
and property; the opening of -the ports
invites the restoration of industry and
commerce; the postotlice renews the fa
cilities of social iniercouse and of bus
iness. And is it not happy for us all
that the restoration of each one of these
functions of the General Government
brings w ith it a blessing to the State
over which they are extended? Is it
not a sure promise of harmony and re
newed attachment to the Union that,
after all that has happened, the return
of 'he General Government is known
only as a beneficence?
1 know very well that this policy is
attended with some risk; thai for its
success it requires at leaet the acquies
cence of the States which it concerns;
that it implies an invitation to those
Slates, by renewing their allegiance to
the United States, to resume uair func
tions as States of tho Union. But it is
a risk lhat must be taken; ia lha choice
of .difficulties, it is the smallest; and to
diminish, and if possible, to remove all
danger, I have felt it incumbent on me
to asbcrt one other power of the Gener
al Government ihe power of pardon.
As no State can throw a defence over
the crime cf treason, the power of par
don is exclusively veted in the Execu
tive Government ol uii United States.
In exercising tl.it power, I have taken
"every precaution to connect it with the
clearest recognition cf the biuding force
of ths laws of iho Uniitd Steles, and
an unqualified ac!-::io.lrf.!jrr;.ieat of the
great eocial cliat'.'-o of condition in re
gard to slavery which has grown out cf
the war.
The next fctpp which I have taken
to restore tha constitutional reht' ns cf
the States, ha9 been an liivitau-ni ti i
them to participata in the high ofnee of
amending ihe Constitution. Every pa
triot must wish for a general amnesty
at the earliest epoch consistent with the
public safety. For this great end there
is need of a concurrence of all opinions
and a spiritof mutual conciliation. All
parties in the lat8 terrible conflict mutt
work together in harmony. It is not
too much to ask, in the name of the
whV.e people, that on the one side, the
plan of restoration ihall proceed in con
formity with a willingness to cast lh
disorders of the past into oblivion; and
that, on the other, the evidence of sin
cerity in the future maintenance of the
Union shall be put beyond any doubl by
the ratification of the proposed amend
ment to the Constitution, which pro
vides for the abolition of slavery forever
within the limits cf our country.
So longas the adoption of this amend
ment is delayed, so long will doubt, and
jealousy and uncertainty prevail. This
is the measure that will efface the sad
memory of the pat; this is the meas
ure which will most certainly call pop
ulation, and capital, anil security to those
parts t'f the Union that need them most.
Indeed, it is not loo much lo ask of the
States which ar3 nv resuming their
places in the family of the Union lb
give this pledge f perpetual loyally and
peace. Until h is done, the past, how
ever much we may desire it, will not be
forgoltec. The adoption of the amend
ment re-unitcs t.s beyond ull power of
disruption. It heals iho wound lhat is
still imperfectly closed. It remjvers
slavery, the element which Jias so long
perplexed and divided the country; it
makes us once more a united people,
renewed and strengthened, bound more
than ever lo mutual affection and sup
port. The amendment to the Constitution
being adopted, it would remain for ihe
States whose powers have beeu so long
in abeyance, to resume their places iu
the two branches) of iho National Leg
islature, and thereby complete the work
of restoration. Here it is for you, fellow-citizens
of the Senate, and for you,
fellow-citizens cf the House of Uepre
sentaiiyes, to judge, each of you for
yourselves, of ihe election returns and
qualifications of your own members.
The full assertion of the powers of
the General Government requires the
holding of Circuit Courts of ihe United
States within the districts where their
authority has been suspended. In the
present posture of our public affairs,
strong objections have been urged to
holding those courts in any of the States
where the rebellion has existed; aud it
was ascertained by inquiry, lhat the
Circuit Court of the United Stales
would not be b-ld wiihin the district of
Virginia during the autumn or early
winter, nor until Congress should have
an opportunity to consider and aci oa the
whole Mibject. To your deliberations
the resiorution cf this branch of the
civil authority of the United States is
therefore necessarily referred, with the
hope that early provision will be made
for the resumption of all its functions.
Il is nwinifest lhat treason, most llagrant
in character, has been committed. Per
sous who are charged with its commis
sion should have fair and impartial
trials in the highest civil tribunals of the
country, in order that the Consiituiion
and the laws may bo fully vindicated;
the truth clearly established and affirm
ed lhat treason is a crime, that traitors
ould be punished, and the offense
made infamous; and at ihe same tim
that the question may be judicially set
tled, finally and forever, that no State,
of its own wiil, has the right to renounce
its place in the Union.
The relations of the General Govern
ment towards th four millions of inhab
itants whom tha war has called into
freedom, have encaged my most serious
consideration. On tho propriety of at
tempting to make the freedmen electors
by the proclamation of the Kxecutivo, I
took for my counsel the Constitution
itself, the interpretations of thac instrn
ment by its authors und their cotciipft
raries, " and rjcrest legislation by Con
gress. When, ai ths first movement to
ward independence, tha Congress of the
United Statsc instructed tha sertrul
Slates to instltuto governments of t'uoir
own, they lef; c-ch Str.t3 to decide for
itsolf tho condi'iona fc: the enjoyment of
the el-uti-,e irsnriiUe. Duriur; the peri
od of tha Confederacy, tl.ero continued
to exist i very &reat il.7er-iitj in the
qualifications prevailing in' regard to trie
otiicttis who ve.-o to bo chosau. Ti e
ConstU-.jtiop of the Uciteu States recog
nizes thesa diver-uLies i.nca it enjoiui
that, in tie cnoiea of members of the
Louse cf Representatives of the United
Statas, --the clejtc. 5 in e-uh State shall
hav6 tha qualifivi-i-icns rc.site for elec
tors of tha'i-uo. nucsji'ous fcranjh of tha
Str.to Legislature.'" Altar Ihe loimation
of the Con:iti2ti',n, ic remained, as be
fore, tli3 uuiforut cca-c ior er.ch State
to er.!a:;;u tho i.-eiy o2 iti clec.oie,, c
cording v-j ita cv,-u ;ud;. niotii; end tinder
this sytiein, ui Stb-.e .'.I.-i- u-uoitiur has
pro eei.'ed to increase tha i:-.tiabei A its
electors, urn'l iwrf . p'Vw.-t.l r;: ri"j. or
something very nc.-.e. it, It the uenor-.l
rule. 00 ."-.c: '. .-.9 i" ronCi-v.-ticu ot
power in tin.- M.ibits of the pfact)ic, ..nd so
un.iuestionod h ;s I;:-" i:.t3. crits-fioa
of the ConL'tit:.;'. :;, tl. ,t during she civil
war the lata iVyrh"-":'. r e. e- harbored
tha purposo ceu..'...;y r-ever avowed the
purpose of dhj. : -an.Vi.i it, find in the
acts c Con.vcrfc Iur'..ig that period,
nothing can bo fnun l which, during the
continup.nce cf !. .o.i'.'.tics, much, lees af
ter their c!cs;, v.oi'ld Iiavj sanctioned
r.m eVj-H'-rnre L'T t? Kxeculive froci a
policy which ha: ; r.r.it'oruly obtained.
Moreover, a concerinn of the elective
frarehi-iO to the .'roadmen, by the act of
the I resident oi the United States, mu9t
havi bem extended to ail colored men,
wherever found, and ao must have es
tablished a change of suffrage in the
Northera, Middle and Western States,
not lees than in the Southern and South
western. S tc h an act would have cre
ated a now d iss of voters, and would
have been an assumption of power by the
President which nothing in the Constitu
tion or laws of the United States would
have warranted.
On tha other hand, every danger of
conflict is Avoided when the settlement of
the question is referred to the several
States. They can, each for itself, de
cide on the measure, and whether it is to
be adopted at once and absolutely, or
introduced gradually a:.d with condi
tions. In my judgment, the freodaien, if
they show patience and manly virtue?,
will sooner obtain a participation in the
elective franchise through the States than
through the Government, even if it had
the power to intervene. When the tu
mult of emotions that have been raised
by ths suddenness of the social chaDge
shall haTO eubslued, it may prove that
they will receive the kindliest usnr-efroni
some of those on whom they have hereto
fore most closely depended.
Hut while 1 have uo doubt that now,
after the close of the war, it is not com
petent for the Genereal Governmet to
extend the elective franchise in the seve
ral States, it is equally clear that good
faith requires the security of the freed
men in their liberty and their property,
their right to labor, nnd the right to
claim the just reward of their labor. I
cannot too strongly urge the -di9passion-ata
treatment of this subject, which
should be carefully kopt aloof from all
party strife. We must equally avoid
haty assumptions of natural impossibil
ity for the two races to live side by side,
in a state of mutual honeGt and good
will. The experiment involved us in no
inconsistency. Let us go on and mitke
that experiment in good faith, ami not be
too easily disheartened. The country is
in need of labor, and the freedmen are
in need of employmt'nt,'culture and pro
tection. While their right of voluntary
migration and expatriation is not to be
questioned, I would not advise their
forcml removal and colonization. L-jt
us rather encourage thorn to honorable
and useful industry, whore it may be
beneficial to themselves and to tho coun
try; and, instead of hasty auticpations
of tho certainty of the failure, lat there
be nothing wanting to the fair trial of
the experiment. Tho change in their
condition is the substitution of labor by
contract for the status of slavery. Th
freediaan cannot fairly be" accused of
unwillingness to work, so long as a doubt
remains about his freedom of choico in
his pursuit, and the certainty of his
recovering his stipulated wages. In this
the interests of tho employer and tha
employed coincide. The employer de
sires in his workmen spirit and alacrity,
and these can be secured in no other way.
And if the one ought to be able to en
force the contract, so ought the other.
Tho public interest will be best promoted
if the several States wiil provide ade
quata protection aud remedies for th?
freedracn. Until this is in some way ac
complished, there is no chance for tho
Klvnntageoas use of their labor, and th
blame of ill success will not rest upon
them.
1 know that sincere philanthropy is
earnest for the immediate realization of
its remotest aims; but time is always an
element in reform. It is one of the
greatest acts on record to have brought
tour millions of people into freedom.
The career of free industry must be fairly
opened to them; and then their future
condition nnd prosperity must, after all,
rest mainly on themselves. If they fail,
and perish away, let us be careful thai
tha failure shall not be attributable to
any denial of justice. In all that relates
to the destiny of the -fret-dmen, we must
not be too anxious to rad the future;
many incidents which, from a speculative
point of view, might raise alarm, will
quietly settle themselves.
Now that slavery ia at an end, tho
greatness of its evil, in point of view of
pvblic economy, becomes more and more
apparent. Slavery was essentially a mo
nopoly of labor, and as euch, locked the
States wher9 it prevailed against the in
coming of free, industry. Whera labor
was tho property of the capitalist, the
white man was excluded from employ
ment or had but the second boat chance
of .ndiag it, and the foreign emigrr-.tion
turned away from the region whero his
condition would bo so precarious. With
the destruction of the monopoly, freo la-boi-
will hasten from all parts of tho civ
ili'.ed world to assint in developing vari
ous and immeaburablo rcioarcej vrhich
have hitherto lain doraiaut. Tho eight
or nins S'tatos nearest tho Guf of Jlexico
have a noil of exuberant fertility, a cii
mate friendly to long life, and can su8
ti;ia denser population than can be
foua 1 '. yot in any pr.rt of our country,
r.nd the future imlus of population to
theiu be mainly from the torth, or
from Vh most civilised nations of Eu
rope. From the su'roriii1 that bavo at
tended thdi.i during our late strug;-ij, let
us look a:vay to theffuture, which is sure
j to be laden for them with greater pros
perity than has ever before beea known.
The removal of tho monopoly of slave
labor ia a pledge that those regions will
be peopled by a numerous at.d eutorpris
ing population, which will vie with any
in the Union, ia compactness, inventive
genius, wealth and industry.
The Constitution confers oa Congress
the right to regulato commerce anion
the several Statsa. It is of the first ne
cessity, for tho maintenance of ths Un
ion, that tho commerce s'.ould be freo
aud unobstructed. No St;.te can be jus
tiued in auy device to tas the transit of
travel and commerce between States.
The position of many States is such that
if they were allowed to take advantage of
it for purposes of local revenue, the com
merce between States might be injuri
ously burdened, or even virtually pro
hibited. It is beTt, while the country is
still younj, and while the tendency to
dangerous monopolies of this kind is still
feeble, to use the powor of Congress so
as to prevent any selfish impediment to
the free circulation of men and merchan
diae. A tax on travel and -Kerch.-.ndise,
in their transit, constitutes one of the
worst forni3 of monopoly, and the evil is
increased if couplet! with a denial of the
choice of route. When the vast extent
of our country is considered, it is plain
that every obstacle to the free circulation
of commerce between the States ought to
be sternly guarded aga:nst by appropri
ate legislation, within the limits of the
Constitution.
The report of the Secretarv of the in
terior explains the condition of the pub-
I;c lands, tne transactions or me i'aicnt
cfBoe and the Pension Dureau, the man
agement of our Indian affairs, tho pro
gress male in the construction of the
Pacific Railroad, an 1 furnishes informa
tion in reference to matters of local in
terest in the District of Columbia. It
also presents evidence of the successful
operation or the Homestead Act, under
the provisions of which 1,100,533 acres
of the public lands were entered during
the last fiscal year more than one
fourth of the whole number of acres sold
or otherwise disposed of duriDg that- pe
riod. It is estimated that the reccipti
deiiveJ from his source are sufli'.-ierit t-
cover the expenses ineidu.t to the survey
and dispo.-a! of tho lands entered und?r
this Act, and that payments in ctifch to
the extent of from forty to fifty per cent,
will be made by settlers, who may thn-,
at any time, acquire t it It before the ex
piration cf the period at which it would
otherwise vest. 'Ihe Homestead policy
was established only after long and ear
nest resistance; experience proves its
wisdom. The lands in the l.t.mis of in
dustrious settlers, whoso labor creates
wealth, and contributes to the public re
sources, aro worth more to tho Uni
ted States than if they had been reset ved
as a solitude f or future purchasers.
The lamented events of tho la-t four
jrars, ami the sacrifices made by thofrul
lnnt men of our army and navy, bare
swelled the recoid-3 cf tlu Pension lu;n mi
to nn unpreceden: txtont. On the 30Mi
d ty of Juue hut, tho total number of
pensioners was i-o,'J'"j, requiring for their
annual pay, exelus.ve .f expenses, the
sum of !;;, ,"(XU.44-"i. The number cf ap
plication? tlmt have been allowed Miie-i
that data will require tt largo increase of
this amount fur the fiscal j'car. The
means for the payment of the stipenilei
due, under existing laws, to our disabled
soldiers and sailors, and to the f.imiiic.s
of such as have perished in the service of
the country, will no doubt Lo cheerfully
tmd promptly granted. A grateful peo
ple will not hesitate to sanction any
measun s having for their object the rel'e'
of soldiers mutilated and families made
fatherless in tho effort to preserve our
national existence.
Therorort of the Postmaster General
presents an encouraging exhibit of Oie
operation", of the Pos: Oiliee Department
during the year. The revenues for the
past year from the loyal States alone,
exceeded tbe annual maximum receipts
from all States previous to the rebelion,
in tho sum of 0,1108,1 i:jl; and the annual
average increase of revenue during tho .
last four years, compared with the four
years immediately preceding the rebellion
was 533:645. The revr-uues of the last
fiscal year amounted to $1 1,050.238, nnd
expenditures to sJ13,ti04;5JS, leaving a
surplus of receipts over expenditures cf
!?Sdl,430. Progress has been made in
restoring the postal service in the South
ern States. Tho views presented by tho
Postmaster-General against tha policy of
granting subside) to ocean mail steam
ship Hue upou established routes, and in
favor of continuing, tho present system,
which limits the oomponsatiorj for ocean
service to the postal earnings, are receorn
mended to the care'ul consideration cf
Congress.
It uppoars, from the report oi fiia Sec
retary of the Navy, that while, at tho
comeneement of tho pre-ent year, thera
were in commission 5il0 vessels of all
classes and descriptions, armed with
3,000 guns and 5 1,00 J men, the number
of vessels at prtseni in commission is 117,
with 30 gnus nnd 12, 12S men. By this
proiir-t redactions of the naval forces
the expenses of the Govcrntnei.t h.ts been
largely diminished, and a number of ves
sels, purchased for naval purposes frorn
the merchant marine, have been return
ed to tho peaceful pursuits of commerce.
Sinco the suppression of active hostilities
our foreign squadrons have been re-established,
and co::si;s of vessel t much more
ctiidiun.- than tho:e employed 011 similar
service previous to the rebellion. The
Tho suggestion of the enlargement of the
nay-yttras, and especially the establish
1. tout of ono in fresh water for iron-clud
vcii'eis, is deserving of consideration, as
is also a recommendation for a different
locatiou and more ample ground for tho
Naval Academy.
In tho report of the Secretary ef War,
a general summary is giren of the mil.ta
ry campaign of Ibul r.r.d 1SJ5, ending in
t:c suppreosion cf armed resistance to
the 1 atlonal authority in the insurgent
States. Tho operations of the general ad-,
rainistrative Uureaus of the War Depart
ment during the last year are detailed,
and an cfltiiaato made of tho appropria-
tions that will be required for milatary"
purposis in the fiscal year comniTcing
dune the 30th, lStiG. The national mili
tary force on the 1st day of May, 1855,
numbered 1,000,510 men. It is proposed
to reduce the military establishment to a
peace footing, comprehending 50,000
troops of all arms, organized so as to ad
mit of an ';niarge:aeu by fiiliig up tha
ranks to 2,000, it the cucumstarces of
the country should require nn augmenta
tion of tho armv. Tho volunteer forco
has been reduced by discharge front tho
service of over 800,000 troops, and the
department 19 proceeding rapidly in the
work of further reduction. The war es
timates reduced from $510,240,131 to
533, f-14,461, which amount, in opinion of
the Department, is adequate for a peace
establishment. The measures cf re
trenchment in each Bureau and branch of
the service, exhibit a diligent economy
worthy of commendation. Kcferenco is
also made in the report to the necessity
of pirovidir.g for a uniform militia system,
and to the propriety of miking suitable
proviaioa for wounded and disabled of
ficers and soldiers.
The revenue system of the country is a
subject of vital into? est to its honor and
prosperity and should command the earn
est consideration of Congress. The Sec
retary of the Treasury will lay before you
a full and det.tilee report of the receipts
and disbursements for the lait fiscal year,
of the first rjuartcr cf the present fiscal
year, of the probable receipts and expen
ditures for the other three quarters, and
the estimates for the year following tho
30th of June, lSS'i. I might content my
self w; ih a ieferer.ee to that report, in
which vou will liiii all the information
rcquire'd for your deliberations and de
cision. Hut the paramount importance
of the subject so presses itself on my own
mind that I cannot but Uy beforeyoumy
views cf the ta a-ures which are re
quired for the good chararter, and, 1 might
almost say, fur the existence of this peo
ple. The life of a rep ubiic lies certainly
in tbe energy, virtue, and intelligence of
its citizen-; but U is equally true that a
good rever.u- system is the life cf aa or
ganized Government. I meet you at a
time when the n ltlon bus voluntarily
burdened itself with a debt ucr-receaented