Kt.'! -' "- 'v " any man attempts to haul doicn the Jlmerican Flag, shoot him on the spot." John A. Dix. VOL. I. PL.ATTSMOUTII. N. T., WEDNESDAY, DEC. 20,! 1865. 1NO . THE HERALD IS PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY MORNING, BY II. r. HATHAWAY, EDITOR. AND PROPRIETOR, j J-Oftct co:Lr y., strtt and Leve, tercud Terms: per annum, invariably in advanc. J'alcs of .Idrerlising. p.Ti.i'f (sicn-.- i.f tt-u tin--) one iuserLiun, Etnii snii-.- iient iu--rr!u V 'j-irirr r- rmia ...r 1-s. -cr finimra MX Ill-tlt!l4 " 1 1. r- u months St.. 10 l.M 10 OD 2.1 K 3ft (O ' :0 4. I" i5.n) 13 "" IS. CO 'i-VOU 0 naif co! i':'n mi-nth mouth " li.ree mouths Otir'imn tw-lvf rn.ir.lii-l hi x i:i.-'i;ii- - ' l re i!i'i:.t!i-i - !i trT. v.t ;l.ivil".i ei:i-r.t Binil be ril tot in i"v.ii- WVurr par-l l id iall kln.! of JuU W n-k ,1 irt n -j 1 1. f, mil iu a ij it f-t'-,H. wi.l give tat.- gucuK.osi jUtcctonj. H. R LIVINGSTON, M. D. Physician and Surgeon, al scrvics to the ci'iz--n ( T.-.J-- I' pru" l-1.,.-..'itny. Vi:-i-l-r. I"r.i:ik Wl.it. V- li u l Irtio- mi M.un s r, r-pni--r of i IS1 I'l WILLITT POTTENGER ATTOKNEY AT LAW, rr. ATI'S MOLT 1 1 - Sr.r.KASlvA. t. n 3i a "ii q i ett. ATTORNEY AT LAW tvn- Solicitor in Chancery. rLATTSMi 'I'TII, - - NEBK4SKA. JCSETII jSCIILATER. Yf ATCTiMAKEIl and JEWELER, 'M IX S TltllltT, ri.ATTsMonn, - - nkduaska. t l.il s- .riwnt i.MUt . CI - lVn !, J.w- I- y. .;.. W.ir-, l- .inc ; " Vi..!r m.t Vi n r L. , aji ii h ind. Ait worn coiii-9-.::-4 t.' I.j- ?. . 1 '; vT:.r"unitjJ. S r. i'.'. '. II. C. ICYi S, NOTARY PUBL C and (Y)NVEVANC Kit- l -t ' T' I' 'V-r far I. au l Xrhra- k lA.-H-iii ill -t ii .1 !. SiC. f-fr- x . 1. 1. - riitraMfl t.i his cat' will rccelr.) I-.. .:.( . N T A: -il 0':-i. tf Aafif?ii:il :iaiin Agency. WASHINGTON- D C- F. M. DCRRINGTON. S f :t AUKNT: PL AT i'SM 1" Til, - - M'.DRASKA, It ; 'V iri) i t-i i'-y ;ie , t" i i r t iic s m " 1 1 t r A.tr.l I". '' pre, lit :iiiJ pr.'-M-n'i' f!"i;m b- f re t ..rrirfim. au! Or Opii tin. nH. Ta-i-. i..'int I--1. 1 lin:ity LainN .' ' ua rn" ni't'!'i r- . nil in t-r-M'tiTi t'- t-i,, r!.ti::i. k M. D N 'J I'U I J. 13. WHSKLFiR. NOTARY I'UliLIC AN? .COMMISSIONER OF DEEDS Fire and Life Ins, Ag't, . Ii f . l.i. iu ii' iiiist ;.ivornment. f t S-.:.l.-r-. : 1., , r ;.!-.. x ii'l ruin." ln-ns. Acml i-.. hh'I ii i ( l-i'is ami ity projer f '!'.. 'M - i . t -. l'tijnu ui of TttXus in all :.r.i.k:i i Wf..i ni Iowa. AtteaiM t. - . ; !..; (i. iiiTiil I.au.l , Iusuruncc, t ii-1 t'.ii--i'u frllcy. r- t ll t.ur-irci ir.i-n iu N-ljraik. u-li, X. T , Jl.iy 1 iO... PLATTE VALLEY 0. W.CaOV, PROP I m prt-p:tr'' 1 to ftirnili a'l who may favor me tlw r ;itMm!i;;n, With I-ulin, sinu U in'U or fcKi(i tv tli- 'k. O. W.t'HUW. VlaitiM .t -It, Ari I I-, yl MRS. L. GOLDING, I'RACTICAL MID-WIFE, Ha T:r:!.-ii.'U !!ro,ssful'y for srvt-ral reaiH in St.H l.oiji- ai d iu l.iMvnworih rity. Va luc-tet, pro- fl"Iirt ! V. 1U t't'itl-Ml, ii I li- Mri. 'l;nn has : in tnti:tly located .n this citj. E'-i.t-i. " i i tiie U'r;h-west pa: t of t w ii. Ju t rf llcss & Finisher liive Just opMit-l and rt-fi'-lcJ tlicir Saloon and Restaurant L'Vfe sir et, "-.ith i-r M-tio. wh.r thy will furni-h l l tim-r. T li- l-i-sl .lil.-. lh iiihi kel Htfordn. F:i:h' I.I A ' 7 evf.y moronic ttwetM'n 9 1-2 I" i-J. ZJPy Jiixirders ticcommo'ititrd. POIi SALE. E'ht or Ttii Tlioronli Ititl American MERINO RAMS T:.y ,ri t'cd v J. P. W!kf r, Wjfining County. Y , xv. A 9: .-J t-v hs lamo'is old slock buck "Ei-itf!.'- "lialrn" br-. l.y vcti. CuitirfS f V-ntor.t. aol a l a:f brother of hit celob'aird t t M ,n ivr-" -'Oiit )Is,!. n'' has t-hnm i3 I i f ?:! cf ! cf i se yrjr'i growth. 'or funhcr la'srimslu'-a ir.qui.-eif J X WIHS. r:ittmri.l?i,br WAIKEB, Silt OrM Fvi lustrav rVoticc Tkn i:i ai f-i f.-w, a! CiV, n-.-i "tnt- a-.u U :!. i-i.I -nee ol the sutwerit-er inSou'U Ji m.ir-i wtt from l'latim-i!li, oue yers eld. I. no back, do brands or it ai-o, one r?-l Calf, nhite ppot on nv.nths ..l; uo braoiU or maiks per- f T:T,,.)i.r h, Nov. lltli, FOUXTAIX. IN tray IVotice. TaVn up ' u ti e r-rrriii- of tlie sub-criber 2 nills J ' ! c' Hatmuouth, i nt brindl Coir, Kith li tter tt " t i,1r na nirlil hip. about 11 oi 14 year olJ, 10 "-t-r ui.irku or I rai 'Ij pt-rceiTable. a.s-j, u;,, j'jji,. r j Cj, "om hit; on rump, while 1 -.'. -U- i:i r.-reh-nJ. half of tail wlii:--. riglii born L" .'o'.e a; ! .,ut 8 iacli'.-; uoo'.i.T tuaiki or brauiij t-t .-.l.ie. H at:M,w ith.X. v lOih, 16.1. President's Message. Fellow citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives: To express gratitude to God, in the name of the people, for the preservation of the United Slates, is my first duty in addressing- you. Our thoughts next re vert to the death of the late President by an act of parricidal treason. The grief of the nation is still fresh; it finds some solace in the consideration that he lived to enjoy the highest proof of its confidence by entering on the renewed term of the Chief Magistracy, to which he had been elected; that he brought the civil war substantially to a close ; that his loss was deplored in nil parts of the Union; and that foreign nations have rendered justice to his memory. His removal cast upon me a heavier weight of cares thin ever devolved upon an of his predecessors. To fulfill my trust I need the support and confidence of all who are associated with me in the vari ous departments oT Government, an 1 the support and confidence of the peo ple. There is but one way in which I can hope to gain their necessary aid; it is to stnte with frankness the principles which guide my conduct, and their ap plication to the present stale of affairs, well aware that the efficiency of my la bors will, in u great measure, depend on your and their undivided approbation The Union of the United States of America was intended by its authors to laM as long as the States themselves shall last. "The Union shall be perpet ual." are the words of the Confedera tion. "To form a more perfect Union," by an ordinance of the people of the I'r.i'.td States, is the declared purpose of the Constitution. The hand of Di vine Providence was never more plain ly visible in the atfairs of men than in iho framing and adopting of that instru ment. It is, beyond comparison, the rpaie?t event in American history, and indeed is ii not, of a'l events in modern times, the mo?t pregnant with conse quences for every people of the earth? , The inomliors of the Convention which ! prepared it, brought to their work the i experience of the Confederation of the j several States, and of other Republican j (luiernments, old and new; but they j needed and they obtained a wisdom su i perior to experience. And when for its validity it required the approval of a people that occupied a large part cf a continent and acted separately in mauy Jiaiincl conventions, what is more won derful that, after earnest contention and long discusbion, all feelings and all opin ions were ultimately drawn in one way to iu support? The Const'lution to which life was ihus imparted, contains within itself ample re.ources for its own preserva tion. It lias power to enforce the laws and punish treason, and ensure domes tic tranquility. In case of the usurpa tion of tli9 government of a State by one man, or an oligarchy, it becomes the duty of the United States to make good the guarantee to that State of a Republican form of government, and so to maintain the homogeneousness of all. Djes the lapse of time reveal de fecit? A simple mode of amendment i provided in the Constitution itself, so that its conditions can alivays be made to conform to the requiremnts of ad vancing civilization. No room is allow ed even for the thought of a possibility of its coming to an er.d. And these powers of self preservation have always been asserted in their complete integri ty by every patriotic Chief Magistrate, j by Jefferson and Jackson, not less than by Washington and Madison. The parting auvice oi tne r atner or. nis Countiv. while vet President, to the people of the United States, was thalj 'the free Constitution, which was the work of their hands, might be sacredly maintained;" and the inaugural words of President Jefferson held up " the preservation of the General Govern ment, in its constitutional vigor, as ihe sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad." The Constitution is the work cf "the people of the United Stales," and it should be as indestruct ible as the people. Ii is not strange that the framers of the Constitution, which had no model in the past, should not have fully compre hended the excellence of their own work. Fresh from a struggle against arbitrary power, many patriots suffered from harratsing fears of an absorption of the State Governments by the Gen eral Government, and many from a dread that the Slates would break away from their orbits. But the very great ness of our country should allay the ap prehension of encroachments by the General Government. The subjects that' come unquestionably wiihin its ju riidiction are so numerous, that it mutt ever naturally refuse to be embarrassed by questions that lie beyond it. Wer-j it otherwise, the Executive would sink beneath the burden; the channels of jus tice would be choked; legislation wjutd be obstructed by excess; so that there is a greater temptation to exercise some of the functions of the General Gov ernment through the States than to tres pass on their rightful sphere. "The absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority" was, at the beginning of this century, enforced by Jefferson "a tne vital principle oi Kfuunu, uu wc events of the last four years hive es tablished, we will hope forever, that there lies no appeal to force. The maintenance cf the Union brings with it -'the support of the State Gov ernments in all thuir rights;" but it is not one of the rights of any State Gov ernment to renounce its own place in the Union, or to nullify the laws of the Union. The largest liberty is to be maintained in the discussion of the ac'.s of the Federal Goverenment; but there is no appeal from its laws, except to the various branches of that Government itself, or to the people, who grant to the members of the Legislative and Exec utive Departments no tenure but a lim ited erne, and in that manner always retain the powers of redress. "The Sovereignly of the States" is the language of the Confederacy, and not the language of the Constitution. The latter contains these emphatic words: "The Constitution and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made or which shall be made under the authority of the United States shall be the supreme law of the land; and the Judges in every State thall be bound thereby, anything in the Consti tution or Jaws of any Stato to the con trary notwithitar.ding." Certainly the Government of the United Stated is a limited government, and to every State government is a lim ited government. With us, this idea of limitaiion tpreads through every form of administration, general, state and municipal, and rests on the great dis tinguishing principle of the recognition of the rights of man. The ancient re publics absorbed the individual in the State, prescribed hi religijn and con trolled his activity. The American sys tem rests on the assertion of the equal right of every man to life, liberty and ihe pursuit of happiness; to freedom of conscience, to the culture and exercise of all his faculties. As a consequence, the State Government is limited, as to the General Government in the interest cf Union, as to the individual cilien in the interest of freedom. States, with proper limitstions of power, are essential to ihe existence of the Constitution cf the United States. At the very commencement, whtn we assumed a place among the powers of ihe earth, the Declaration cf Indepen dence was adojueU rjy ftiaiet;; so also, were the Articles of Confederation; and when the "People tf the United Siates" ordained and established the Constitution, it was the asent of the Stales one by one, which gave it author ity. In the event too, of any amend ment to the Coiit-tiiuiion, the prcpo.-iiion of Congress needs ihe confirmation of States. Without States one great branch of the legislative government would be wanting. And. if we look beyond the letter of the Constitution to the charac ter of the country, its capacity fr com prehending within its jurisdiction a vasl continental empire is due to the system of States. The best security for the perpetual existence of the States is the "supreme authority" of the Constitution of the United States. The perpetuity of the Constitution brings with it the perpetuity of the States; their mutual relation makes us what we are, and in our political system their connection is indissoluble. The whole cannot exist without the farts, nor the parts without the whole. So long as the Constitution endure?, the Slates will endure; the destruction of the one is the destruction of the other; the preservation of the one is the preservation of the other. I have thus explained my views of the mutual relations of the Constitution and the States, because they unfold the principles on which I have sought to solve the momentous questions and overcome the appalling difficulties that met me al the very commencement or my administration. It has been my steadfast object to escape from the sway of momentary passions, and to derive a healing policy from the fundamental and unchanging principles of the Con stitution. I found the states suffering from the effects of a civil war. Resistance to the general government appeared to have exhausted itself. Th United States had recovered possession of iheir forts and arsenals; and their armies were in th occupation of every State which had attempted to secede. Wheth er the terntery within the limits of those states should be held as conquered territory, under military authority em anating from the president as the head of the army, was the first question that presented itself for decision. Now, military governments, estab lished for an indefinite period, would have offered no security for the early suppression of discontent; would have divided the people into the vanquishers and the vanquished; and would have envenomed hatred, raiher than restor ed affection. Once established, no pre cise limit to their continuance was con ceivable. They would have occasioned an incalculable and exha-isting expense. Peaceful emigration to and from that portion of the country is one of the best means that can be thought of for the restoration of harmony; and that emi gration would hare been prevented, for what emigrant from abroad, what in dustrious citizen at home, would place himself willingly under military rule? The chief persons who would have fol lowed in the train of the army would have been dependants on the General Government, or men who expected prof it from the miseries of their erring fellow-citizens. The powers of patronage and rule which would have been exer cised, under the President, over a vast and populous, and naturally wealthy re gion, are greater lhan, unless under ex treme necessity, I should be willing to trust tq any one man; they are such as, for myself, I could never, unless on oc casiens of great emergency, consent to exercise. : ; The willful use of such pow ers, if continued through a period of years, would have endangered the pu rity of the Genera Administration and the liberties of the States which re mained loyal. Besides, the policy of military rule over a conquered territory would hav implied lhat ihe States whose inhabi tants may have taken part in the rebel lion had, by the act of those inhabitants ceased 10 exist. But the true theory is, that all pretended acts of secession were from the beginning null aud void. The States cannot committreason, nor screen the individual citizens who may have committed treason, any more than they can make valid treaties to engage in lawful commerce with any foreign pow er. The States attempting to secede placed themselves in a condition where their vitality was impaired but not ex tinguished their functions suspended but not destroyed. Bji if an' State neglects or refuses to perform its office, there is the more need that the General Government i should maintain all its authority, and as soon as practicable, resume ihe exercise of all its functions. On this principle I have acted, and have gradually and quietly, and by almost imperceptible step, sought to restore the rightful en ergy of the General Government and of the States. To that end, Provisional Governors have been appointed for the Statos, Conventions called, Governors tlectid, Legislatures assembled, and Senators and Representatives chosen to the Congress of the United States. Al the t-ame time, the Courts of the Un'ted States, as far as could be done, have been re opened, so that the laws of the United States may be enforced through their agency. The blockade has been removed and the Custom I,U.,SJ ro o.t-i liheu iu ports ot entry, so that the revenue of the United States may be collected. The PoRtoffice Department renews its ceaseless activiiy, and the General Government is thereby enabled to com municate promptly with its officers and agent?. The courts bring security to persons and property; the opening of -the ports invites the restoration of industry and commerce; the postotlice renews the fa cilities of social iniercouse and of bus iness. And is it not happy for us all that the restoration of each one of these functions of the General Government brings w ith it a blessing to the State over which they are extended? Is it not a sure promise of harmony and re newed attachment to the Union that, after all that has happened, the return of 'he General Government is known only as a beneficence? 1 know very well that this policy is attended with some risk; thai for its success it requires at leaet the acquies cence of the States which it concerns; that it implies an invitation to those Slates, by renewing their allegiance to the United States, to resume uair func tions as States of tho Union. But it is a risk lhat must be taken; ia lha choice of .difficulties, it is the smallest; and to diminish, and if possible, to remove all danger, I have felt it incumbent on me to asbcrt one other power of the Gener al Government ihe power of pardon. As no State can throw a defence over the crime cf treason, the power of par don is exclusively veted in the Execu tive Government ol uii United States. In exercising tl.it power, I have taken "every precaution to connect it with the clearest recognition cf the biuding force of ths laws of iho Uniitd Steles, and an unqualified ac!-::io.lrf.!jrr;.ieat of the great eocial cliat'.'-o of condition in re gard to slavery which has grown out cf the war. The next fctpp which I have taken to restore tha constitutional reht' ns cf the States, ha9 been an liivitau-ni ti i them to participata in the high ofnee of amending ihe Constitution. Every pa triot must wish for a general amnesty at the earliest epoch consistent with the public safety. For this great end there is need of a concurrence of all opinions and a spiritof mutual conciliation. All parties in the lat8 terrible conflict mutt work together in harmony. It is not too much to ask, in the name of the whV.e people, that on the one side, the plan of restoration ihall proceed in con formity with a willingness to cast lh disorders of the past into oblivion; and that, on the other, the evidence of sin cerity in the future maintenance of the Union shall be put beyond any doubl by the ratification of the proposed amend ment to the Constitution, which pro vides for the abolition of slavery forever within the limits cf our country. So longas the adoption of this amend ment is delayed, so long will doubt, and jealousy and uncertainty prevail. This is the measure that will efface the sad memory of the pat; this is the meas ure which will most certainly call pop ulation, and capital, anil security to those parts t'f the Union that need them most. Indeed, it is not loo much lo ask of the States which ar3 nv resuming their places in the family of the Union lb give this pledge f perpetual loyally and peace. Until h is done, the past, how ever much we may desire it, will not be forgoltec. The adoption of the amend ment re-unitcs t.s beyond ull power of disruption. It heals iho wound lhat is still imperfectly closed. It remjvers slavery, the element which Jias so long perplexed and divided the country; it makes us once more a united people, renewed and strengthened, bound more than ever lo mutual affection and sup port. The amendment to the Constitution being adopted, it would remain for ihe States whose powers have beeu so long in abeyance, to resume their places iu the two branches) of iho National Leg islature, and thereby complete the work of restoration. Here it is for you, fellow-citizens of the Senate, and for you, fellow-citizens cf the House of Uepre sentaiiyes, to judge, each of you for yourselves, of ihe election returns and qualifications of your own members. The full assertion of the powers of the General Government requires the holding of Circuit Courts of ihe United States within the districts where their authority has been suspended. In the present posture of our public affairs, strong objections have been urged to holding those courts in any of the States where the rebellion has existed; aud it was ascertained by inquiry, lhat the Circuit Court of the United Stales would not be b-ld wiihin the district of Virginia during the autumn or early winter, nor until Congress should have an opportunity to consider and aci oa the whole Mibject. To your deliberations the resiorution cf this branch of the civil authority of the United States is therefore necessarily referred, with the hope that early provision will be made for the resumption of all its functions. Il is nwinifest lhat treason, most llagrant in character, has been committed. Per sous who are charged with its commis sion should have fair and impartial trials in the highest civil tribunals of the country, in order that the Consiituiion and the laws may bo fully vindicated; the truth clearly established and affirm ed lhat treason is a crime, that traitors ould be punished, and the offense made infamous; and at ihe same tim that the question may be judicially set tled, finally and forever, that no State, of its own wiil, has the right to renounce its place in the Union. The relations of the General Govern ment towards th four millions of inhab itants whom tha war has called into freedom, have encaged my most serious consideration. On tho propriety of at tempting to make the freedmen electors by the proclamation of the Kxecutivo, I took for my counsel the Constitution itself, the interpretations of thac instrn ment by its authors und their cotciipft raries, " and rjcrest legislation by Con gress. When, ai ths first movement to ward independence, tha Congress of the United Statsc instructed tha sertrul Slates to instltuto governments of t'uoir own, they lef; c-ch Str.t3 to decide for itsolf tho condi'iona fc: the enjoyment of the el-uti-,e irsnriiUe. Duriur; the peri od of tha Confederacy, tl.ero continued to exist i very &reat il.7er-iitj in the qualifications prevailing in' regard to trie otiicttis who ve.-o to bo chosau. Ti e ConstU-.jtiop of the Uciteu States recog nizes thesa diver-uLies i.nca it enjoiui that, in tie cnoiea of members of the Louse cf Representatives of the United Statas, --the clejtc. 5 in e-uh State shall hav6 tha qualifivi-i-icns rc.site for elec tors of tha'i-uo. nucsji'ous fcranjh of tha Str.to Legislature.'" Altar Ihe loimation of the Con:iti2ti',n, ic remained, as be fore, tli3 uuiforut cca-c ior er.ch State to er.!a:;;u tho i.-eiy o2 iti clec.oie,, c cording v-j ita cv,-u ;ud;. niotii; end tinder this sytiein, ui Stb-.e .'.I.-i- u-uoitiur has pro eei.'ed to increase tha i:-.tiabei A its electors, urn'l iwrf . p'Vw.-t.l r;: ri"j. or something very nc.-.e. it, It the uenor-.l rule. 00 ."-.c: '. .-.9 i" ronCi-v.-ticu ot power in tin.- M.ibits of the pfact)ic, ..nd so un.iuestionod h ;s I;:-" i:.t3. crits-fioa of the ConL'tit:.;'. :;, tl. ,t during she civil war the lata iVyrh"-":'. r e. e- harbored tha purposo ceu..'...;y r-ever avowed the purpose of dhj. : -an.Vi.i it, find in the acts c Con.vcrfc Iur'..ig that period, nothing can bo fnun l which, during the continup.nce cf !. .o.i'.'.tics, much, lees af ter their c!cs;, v.oi'ld Iiavj sanctioned r.m eVj-H'-rnre L'T t? Kxeculive froci a policy which ha: ; r.r.it'oruly obtained. Moreover, a concerinn of the elective frarehi-iO to the .'roadmen, by the act of the I resident oi the United States, mu9t havi bem extended to ail colored men, wherever found, and ao must have es tablished a change of suffrage in the Northera, Middle and Western States, not lees than in the Southern and South western. S tc h an act would have cre ated a now d iss of voters, and would have been an assumption of power by the President which nothing in the Constitu tion or laws of the United States would have warranted. On tha other hand, every danger of conflict is Avoided when the settlement of the question is referred to the several States. They can, each for itself, de cide on the measure, and whether it is to be adopted at once and absolutely, or introduced gradually a:.d with condi tions. In my judgment, the freodaien, if they show patience and manly virtue?, will sooner obtain a participation in the elective franchise through the States than through the Government, even if it had the power to intervene. When the tu mult of emotions that have been raised by ths suddenness of the social chaDge shall haTO eubslued, it may prove that they will receive the kindliest usnr-efroni some of those on whom they have hereto fore most closely depended. Hut while 1 have uo doubt that now, after the close of the war, it is not com petent for the Genereal Governmet to extend the elective franchise in the seve ral States, it is equally clear that good faith requires the security of the freed men in their liberty and their property, their right to labor, nnd the right to claim the just reward of their labor. I cannot too strongly urge the -di9passion-ata treatment of this subject, which should be carefully kopt aloof from all party strife. We must equally avoid haty assumptions of natural impossibil ity for the two races to live side by side, in a state of mutual honeGt and good will. The experiment involved us in no inconsistency. Let us go on and mitke that experiment in good faith, ami not be too easily disheartened. The country is in need of labor, and the freedmen are in need of employmt'nt,'culture and pro tection. While their right of voluntary migration and expatriation is not to be questioned, I would not advise their forcml removal and colonization. L-jt us rather encourage thorn to honorable and useful industry, whore it may be beneficial to themselves and to tho coun try; and, instead of hasty auticpations of tho certainty of the failure, lat there be nothing wanting to the fair trial of the experiment. Tho change in their condition is the substitution of labor by contract for the status of slavery. Th freediaan cannot fairly be" accused of unwillingness to work, so long as a doubt remains about his freedom of choico in his pursuit, and the certainty of his recovering his stipulated wages. In this the interests of tho employer and tha employed coincide. The employer de sires in his workmen spirit and alacrity, and these can be secured in no other way. And if the one ought to be able to en force the contract, so ought the other. Tho public interest will be best promoted if the several States wiil provide ade quata protection aud remedies for th? freedracn. Until this is in some way ac complished, there is no chance for tho Klvnntageoas use of their labor, and th blame of ill success will not rest upon them. 1 know that sincere philanthropy is earnest for the immediate realization of its remotest aims; but time is always an element in reform. It is one of the greatest acts on record to have brought tour millions of people into freedom. The career of free industry must be fairly opened to them; and then their future condition nnd prosperity must, after all, rest mainly on themselves. If they fail, and perish away, let us be careful thai tha failure shall not be attributable to any denial of justice. In all that relates to the destiny of the -fret-dmen, we must not be too anxious to rad the future; many incidents which, from a speculative point of view, might raise alarm, will quietly settle themselves. Now that slavery ia at an end, tho greatness of its evil, in point of view of pvblic economy, becomes more and more apparent. Slavery was essentially a mo nopoly of labor, and as euch, locked the States wher9 it prevailed against the in coming of free, industry. Whera labor was tho property of the capitalist, the white man was excluded from employ ment or had but the second boat chance of .ndiag it, and the foreign emigrr-.tion turned away from the region whero his condition would bo so precarious. With the destruction of the monopoly, freo la-boi- will hasten from all parts of tho civ ili'.ed world to assint in developing vari ous and immeaburablo rcioarcej vrhich have hitherto lain doraiaut. Tho eight or nins S'tatos nearest tho Guf of Jlexico have a noil of exuberant fertility, a cii mate friendly to long life, and can su8 ti;ia denser population than can be foua 1 '. yot in any pr.rt of our country, r.nd the future imlus of population to theiu be mainly from the torth, or from Vh most civilised nations of Eu rope. From the su'roriii1 that bavo at tended thdi.i during our late strug;-ij, let us look a:vay to theffuture, which is sure j to be laden for them with greater pros perity than has ever before beea known. The removal of tho monopoly of slave labor ia a pledge that those regions will be peopled by a numerous at.d eutorpris ing population, which will vie with any in the Union, ia compactness, inventive genius, wealth and industry. The Constitution confers oa Congress the right to regulato commerce anion the several Statsa. It is of the first ne cessity, for tho maintenance of ths Un ion, that tho commerce s'.ould be freo aud unobstructed. No St;.te can be jus tiued in auy device to tas the transit of travel and commerce between States. The position of many States is such that if they were allowed to take advantage of it for purposes of local revenue, the com merce between States might be injuri ously burdened, or even virtually pro hibited. It is beTt, while the country is still younj, and while the tendency to dangerous monopolies of this kind is still feeble, to use the powor of Congress so as to prevent any selfish impediment to the free circulation of men and merchan diae. A tax on travel and -Kerch.-.ndise, in their transit, constitutes one of the worst forni3 of monopoly, and the evil is increased if couplet! with a denial of the choice of route. When the vast extent of our country is considered, it is plain that every obstacle to the free circulation of commerce between the States ought to be sternly guarded aga:nst by appropri ate legislation, within the limits of the Constitution. The report of the Secretarv of the in terior explains the condition of the pub- I;c lands, tne transactions or me i'aicnt cfBoe and the Pension Dureau, the man agement of our Indian affairs, tho pro gress male in the construction of the Pacific Railroad, an 1 furnishes informa tion in reference to matters of local in terest in the District of Columbia. It also presents evidence of the successful operation or the Homestead Act, under the provisions of which 1,100,533 acres of the public lands were entered during the last fiscal year more than one fourth of the whole number of acres sold or otherwise disposed of duriDg that- pe riod. It is estimated that the reccipti deiiveJ from his source are sufli'.-ierit t- cover the expenses ineidu.t to the survey and dispo.-a! of tho lands entered und?r this Act, and that payments in ctifch to the extent of from forty to fifty per cent, will be made by settlers, who may thn-, at any time, acquire t it It before the ex piration cf the period at which it would otherwise vest. 'Ihe Homestead policy was established only after long and ear nest resistance; experience proves its wisdom. The lands in the l.t.mis of in dustrious settlers, whoso labor creates wealth, and contributes to the public re sources, aro worth more to tho Uni ted States than if they had been reset ved as a solitude f or future purchasers. The lamented events of tho la-t four jrars, ami the sacrifices made by thofrul lnnt men of our army and navy, bare swelled the recoid-3 cf tlu Pension lu;n mi to nn unpreceden: txtont. On the 30Mi d ty of Juue hut, tho total number of pensioners was i-o,'J'"j, requiring for their annual pay, exelus.ve .f expenses, the sum of !;;, ,"(XU.44-"i. The number cf ap plication? tlmt have been allowed Miie-i that data will require tt largo increase of this amount fur the fiscal j'car. The means for the payment of the stipenilei due, under existing laws, to our disabled soldiers and sailors, and to the f.imiiic.s of such as have perished in the service of the country, will no doubt Lo cheerfully tmd promptly granted. A grateful peo ple will not hesitate to sanction any measun s having for their object the rel'e' of soldiers mutilated and families made fatherless in tho effort to preserve our national existence. Therorort of the Postmaster General presents an encouraging exhibit of Oie operation", of the Pos: Oiliee Department during the year. The revenues for the past year from the loyal States alone, exceeded tbe annual maximum receipts from all States previous to the rebelion, in tho sum of 0,1108,1 i:jl; and the annual average increase of revenue during tho . last four years, compared with the four years immediately preceding the rebellion was 533:645. The revr-uues of the last fiscal year amounted to $1 1,050.238, nnd expenditures to sJ13,ti04;5JS, leaving a surplus of receipts over expenditures cf !?Sdl,430. Progress has been made in restoring the postal service in the South ern States. Tho views presented by tho Postmaster-General against tha policy of granting subside) to ocean mail steam ship Hue upou established routes, and in favor of continuing, tho present system, which limits the oomponsatiorj for ocean service to the postal earnings, are receorn mended to the care'ul consideration cf Congress. It uppoars, from the report oi fiia Sec retary of the Navy, that while, at tho comeneement of tho pre-ent year, thera were in commission 5il0 vessels of all classes and descriptions, armed with 3,000 guns and 5 1,00 J men, the number of vessels at prtseni in commission is 117, with 30 gnus nnd 12, 12S men. By this proiir-t redactions of the naval forces the expenses of the Govcrntnei.t h.ts been largely diminished, and a number of ves sels, purchased for naval purposes frorn the merchant marine, have been return ed to tho peaceful pursuits of commerce. Sinco the suppression of active hostilities our foreign squadrons have been re-established, and co::si;s of vessel t much more ctiidiun.- than tho:e employed 011 similar service previous to the rebellion. The Tho suggestion of the enlargement of the nay-yttras, and especially the establish 1. tout of ono in fresh water for iron-clud vcii'eis, is deserving of consideration, as is also a recommendation for a different locatiou and more ample ground for tho Naval Academy. In tho report of the Secretary ef War, a general summary is giren of the mil.ta ry campaign of Ibul r.r.d 1SJ5, ending in t:c suppreosion cf armed resistance to the 1 atlonal authority in the insurgent States. Tho operations of the general ad-, rainistrative Uureaus of the War Depart ment during the last year are detailed, and an cfltiiaato made of tho appropria- tions that will be required for milatary" purposis in the fiscal year comniTcing dune the 30th, lStiG. The national mili tary force on the 1st day of May, 1855, numbered 1,000,510 men. It is proposed to reduce the military establishment to a peace footing, comprehending 50,000 troops of all arms, organized so as to ad mit of an ';niarge:aeu by fiiliig up tha ranks to 2,000, it the cucumstarces of the country should require nn augmenta tion of tho armv. Tho volunteer forco has been reduced by discharge front tho service of over 800,000 troops, and the department 19 proceeding rapidly in the work of further reduction. The war es timates reduced from $510,240,131 to 533, f-14,461, which amount, in opinion of the Department, is adequate for a peace establishment. The measures cf re trenchment in each Bureau and branch of the service, exhibit a diligent economy worthy of commendation. Kcferenco is also made in the report to the necessity of pirovidir.g for a uniform militia system, and to the propriety of miking suitable proviaioa for wounded and disabled of ficers and soldiers. The revenue system of the country is a subject of vital into? est to its honor and prosperity and should command the earn est consideration of Congress. The Sec retary of the Treasury will lay before you a full and det.tilee report of the receipts and disbursements for the lait fiscal year, of the first rjuartcr cf the present fiscal year, of the probable receipts and expen ditures for the other three quarters, and the estimates for the year following tho 30th of June, lSS'i. I might content my self w; ih a ieferer.ee to that report, in which vou will liiii all the information rcquire'd for your deliberations and de cision. Hut the paramount importance of the subject so presses itself on my own mind that I cannot but Uy beforeyoumy views cf the ta a-ures which are re quired for the good chararter, and, 1 might almost say, fur the existence of this peo ple. The life of a rep ubiic lies certainly in tbe energy, virtue, and intelligence of its citizen-; but U is equally true that a good rever.u- system is the life cf aa or ganized Government. I meet you at a time when the n ltlon bus voluntarily burdened itself with a debt ucr-receaented