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About Nebraska advertiser. (Brownville, Nemaha County, N.T. [Neb.]) 1856-1882 | View Entire Issue (May 8, 1879)
:- "y- K$fflflfc; jWws V THE ADVERTISES 6.W.1-AIREBOTIIILE. yc.Ecsx. EAIRBROTnER & BACKER Publishers &Propr'fcar:i.. j1" tLcjaiAiibiiii!.i 4 L. M A PAIRBRDTBEB &, PuTsllsliers andPropri PublisiretJmpsdatyMorning " j ADVERTISING RATES'. One Inch, one yivti- - - .! Each snoceding Uiclu pes .year- ?S8i One inch, per month- 100- NTEItaiSXX ADVANCE:' One-eopx. orjeyear ' .-. One eopjvslx montai JB. - - Each atldllfonal inch, permonra S3 00 00 so ec&l advertisements at I peal rt li.inJ!LL Uaecopy, three months- teg- No paper senUromtheotficeantnpa.ld lir. 49AiltrajuUeQta4vertUementsmaat bebalf forln advance. ' -''"' ESTABLISHED 1856. BRCfWITVTLiLE, NEBRASKA, THURSDAY, MATS, 1879. VOL. 23 NO. 46. HEADING 3IATTEU OXEVERTPAGE 'Oldest Paper in the State . OFFICIAL PAPEBOF THECOUSTI .. jm to m rmk to 4 M - m- m ..... . . a H. . . rT a . . . a . . r . t& a f&J&SKEm ,- iMiinfiiiff .m tifnpFfffiPv?- ' """ ! ctors. v4ll!'ll1"iWfrwff' ' :WW'lf VWfr'4' "'" '' . . . -. - . - T II I.I III. m II -I. Ml - I -., -,.. I II J . . " re l I r ML i AUTIIOUIZED BY TnE U. S. GOVEnXJIEXX. First National Bank OF 3B k o'w jtvtx.x.:. Paid-up Capital, $50,000 Authorized " 500,000 IS rHEPARED TO TRANSACT A general Banking! Business JlttY AND SELL 001$" & CUBEEffCY DEAFTS on all the principal cities of the United States and Snrope MONEY LOANED t n apftrnra! 4-irttT onlv. Time Drafts discount pd. m:kI Mwiiil arrnmmdtlonscrauttldtodijposlt rs. e&lersiti GOVERNMENT BONDS, STAK, -COUNTY &. CITY SECURITIES ..deposits: nwrwhra parabV mi demand and TNTEKEST al lowed en t4HecerUScatesor1eioiti-. r.TnWTOR?.-'Wm JT-Jlm. Jl M. Hallux-. "ir.A Handler. ,F ra.sk EJobDbon.tL.uUjer'-'IIoadley Wju. Praisfcer. . JOHS L.GATCS0X, A K. PA VlsoXrOashier. J '".McNAreirrON.A3-!t.Cahir. President. BROWATILLE Ferry and Tranfers COMPANY. Tlavinr a fir' class steam Ferry, and owning and controHac the Transfer Line irom ROWXYIL.I.E TO PIIEL.PS. -. n are jwewired to reader entire sulkfacttonln t far.-fer of Freight and Passengers. We ran a r-gaiur Hee at i"q",ji',r' tr all trains. Al orders lea at Hie Tranfe: pany'sofltce will receive prompt attention. ComI J. Bosfield. Gen. Supt. BODY & BEQ Proprietors OliD RELIABLE AR h EROWATILLE, NEBRASKA. GOOD, I SWEET, FH.ES3E MEATf Alxrays on Hand. Satisfaction Guarantied. IBTJSrNESS CARDS. A. S. HOLT,ADAY, Pbyslcian, Snrgeon, Obfttetrlclan. iraaatdin 1SH. leaf in urownvineio.v OiBce.41 Slain street. BrownvHUj..Neb. T L. HUIiRURD. Jj. ATTORXEr AT r.A5T And Jrottce or the Peace. OlEoe in Court House It jUdto. nmwnvllle, Neb. QTUl.ti& THOMAS. r O AffirORXEVS AT IiAW. ' ' OTtce. over Theodore Illlt Co.'s store, Browa vllle. Neb. T1 Ii- SCHI.PK. 1. ATTORXEVATLAV. 0re ovar J. L- MoGeeiBr's-store.Brownvllle, Nakraska. SA. OS HORN". . ATTORSET AT LAW. O Mce. No. SI Main street, BrowHTlle. Neb J. H. BROADY. Attorney nnd Counselor at Lair, OfficeoverSt&te Bank. Brown ville.Neb. WT. ROGERS. Attorney ami ConnseloratLnw. Will ivedlltgent attention to anylesalbuslness entrBsteVtAhioare. Offlce In th Roy bnilding, Browa viHe, Neb. AT. CLlE, FASHION A II IjE cj BOOT AXD SHOE jIAKER p COSTOM WORK mdeto order, and fitsalwayf raarantoed. Repairinc neatly and promptly done. Shop. No. 27 JTaln street. BrotcnTlHe.Neb. M. BAILEY, SHrrPEK.ND UBAXEKTN X). LIVE STOCK. BROWXTILLE, XEIIRASKA. Farmers, please caU and get prices ; I want to handle your stock. Offlce 31 Main street, Hoadley building. JACOB MAROHN, MERCHANT TAILOR, and dealer in FineEnzIixh, French, Sfetrhand Fancy Clothe, Testinss, Etc, Etc. Brownville. Nebraska. IHARLES HEL3IER, FASHIONABLE Boot and Shoe MAKSR. . Having bouzht the cus tom shop of A. Ttoblson, I am prepared to do wort of all binds at Reasonable Rates. 3RepaIrlng neatly and promptly done. Shop No. 62 Main Street, RrownrUIc, 3mcbraslca. MEM E r TONSORIAL, The old Barbershop, No. 47 Is nowl owned and -ran by It Is the best fitted shop In the city, and the -placels generally patronized bylhe people. Mr. Hawkins keeps no assistants who are not; Experts it The Business, nnd gentlemanly and accommodating their conduct. All kinds of In TOWSOEXAL WOBK done promptly and satisfaction guaranteed. TEE BESTDYES made are always In preparation. Josepii Sciiutz, DEAXEIi IX Clocks, Watches, Jewelry r? Keeps constantly on hand a large and well v assorted stock of genuine articles in his line ,j A Repairing of Clocks, Watches and Jewelry done on short notice, at reasonable rates. XT.L irOEK" WAE1Z&XTED. Also sole acent in his locality for ihe sale or XAZATtPS & MORRIS' CELEnEATED PERIICTED SPECTACLES k EYE GLASSES- 20.59 Main Street, BROWNVII1I1E, KEBRASKA. A fine assortment or Type, Bor ders. Rales. Stock, Ac, for printing. CARDS, Colored and Bronzed Labels, STATEMENTS. LETTER & BILLHEADS ENVELOPES, Circulars. Dodgers. Programmes, Show Cards, BLAXK WOKK OF ALL KIXIIS, With neatness andtlispatch Cheap or Inferior Work. xot solicited. FA2S320TS33 k HACZZ3, Carson Bloek, BROWXT1LLE, NEB. ESTABLISHED IN 1856. O I, X E S T ESTATE AG-BjSTCY IN NEBRASKA. William H. Hoover. Does a general Real Estate Business. Sells Lands on Commission, examines Titles, makes Deeds, Mortgages, and all Instru ments pertaining to the transfer of Real Es tate. Has a Complete Abstract of Titles to all Real Estate In Nemaha County. j. Xj. :r,o" &, Undertaker Keeps a full line of BOBML CASES & CAHETS Ornamented and Plain. Also Shronds for men. ladles and infants. All orders left with Mike Felthouser will receive prompt attention. CS- Bodies Preserved and Embalmed.. 5G Main Street, BR0TYXVILLE,XEB. T. -A.. IB-A-Tie: Is now proprietor of the itpatliM, and is prepared to accomodate the public with GOOD, FRESH, SWEET DVEEA.T, Gentlemanly and accommodating clerks will at all times be in attendants Vnrrr 1 !Sri5iSat5S:SSlS?.ber the PlaCe I RroicnviUc, - JYebraslca. MARSH HOUSE, JOSEPH 0'PELT, PROPRIETOR. Llvcrr Stable in connection with theHonse 3-Stage office for all points East, "R'est.'Ea JC3-NorthitSouth. Omnibuses toe& S-connect with all tralns.- SA3IPLE 110031 OX FIRST FLOOR. Je JnpBWfc. ly Vy-wlfciBrh-i THE ADVERTISER JIB PRINTING DEPaRTSIENT. 1 A A A . tX . 9M CH M B 4K The President's Yetoe Message Washington, April .Follow ing is the meEsage of the President, returning to the HouBe of Represen tatives the bill entitled "An Act Making Appropriations for the Sup port of the Army for the fiscal year, ending June 30. 1SS0, and for other purpo3e8." To theHonse of Representatives: I have maturely considered the im portant questions presented by the bill entitled "An Act Making Appro priations for the Support of the Army for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1SS0, and for other purposes,' and I NOW RETURN IT to the House of Representatives, in which it originated, with my objeot ins to its approval. The bill provides, in its usual form, for the appropriations required for the support of the army during the nest fiscal year. If it contained no other provisions, it would receive my prompt approval. It includes, how ever, further legislation, which, at tached to it is the appropriations which are requisite for the efficient performance of some of the "mostTfec essary duties of the Government, in volves questions of the gravest char acter. The sixth section of the bill is amendatory of the statute now in force in regard to the authority of persons in the civil, military, and naval service of the United States, at a place wnere any general or speciol eleotion is held, in any State. This utatute was adopted February 25, 1865, after a protracted debate iu the Sen ate, and almost without opposition in the House by the concurrent votes of both of the leading political parties of the country, and became a law by the approval of President Iiincoln. It was enacted in 1874, in the Revised Statutes of the United States, sections 2,002 and 5,528, which are as follows : "Section 2.002. No military or na val officer, or other person engaged iu the civil, military or naval service of the United StateB, shall order, bring, keep, or have under his authority or control, any troops or armed men, at a place where any general or special election is had in any State, unless it be necessary to repel the armed ene mies of the United States, or to keep the peace at the polls. "Section 5,528. Every officer of the army or navy, or other person in the civil, military, on naval service, who orders, brings, keeps, or has under his authority or control, any troops or .rired men at anyplace whoro-a gen eral or special election is held, in any State, unless such force be necessary to repel armed enemies of the United States, or to keep the peace at the polls, shall be fined not more than $5, 000, and suffer imprisonment at hard labor not les3 than three months nor more than five years." The amendment proposed to this statute in the bill before me omits from both of the foregoing sections the words "or to keep the peace at the polls." The effect of the adoption of this amendment may be considered first, upon the right of the United States Government to use military force to keep peace at elections for members of Congress ; and second, upon the rigbtof the Government, by oivil authority, to protect these elec tions from violence and fraud. In addition to the sections of the Btatute above quoted, the following provisions of law in relation to use of the army at elections, are now in force : Section 2.002. No officer of the ar my or navyjof the United States shall prescribe or fix, or attempt to pre scribe or fix, by proclamation, order or otherwise, the qualifications of voters in any State, or in any manner interfere with the freedom of elec tions, or with the exercise of the free rights of suffrage in any State. "Section 5,529. Every officer or other person, in the military or naval service, who, by force, threat, or oth erwise, prevents or attempts to pre vent, anj- qualified voter of the State from freety exercising -the right of suffrage, in any general or special election in such State, shall be fined not more than $5,000, and imprisoned at bard labor not more than five years. "Section 5.530. Every officer of the army or navy, who prescribes or fixes, or attempts to prescribe or fix, whether by proclamation, order, or otherwise, the qualifications of voters at any election, in any- State, shall be .punished as provided in the preceding section. "Section 531. Every officer or oth er person, in the military or naval service, who, by force, threats, or otherwise compels or attempts to compel an officer holding an election in any State, to receive a vote from a person not legally qualified to vote, or who imposes or attempts Td'Tmpose any regulations for conducting any general or special election, in a State, different Irom those prescribed by law, or who interferes in any manner with any officer of election in the dis charge of hie duties, shall be punish ed as prescribed in section 5,529. "Section 532. Every person con victed of any of the offenses specified iQ the fivepreceding.ections shall, in addition to the punishments therein Beverally-prescribed, be disqualified 1 titled to the share of power which Is from holding any office of honor, 1 conferred by the legal and conatito profit, or trust, under the United tional suffrage. It is the right of ev States; but nothing in these sections . ery citizen possessing the qualiflca shall be so construed as to prevent tions prescribed by law, to cast an un any officer, soldier, sailor, or mariner intimidated ballot, and to have his from exercising the right of suffrage j ballot justly counted. So long as the in any election district to which ne J exercise of this power and the enjoy may belong, If otherwise qualified ac- ment of this richt are commnn or, i cording to the laws of the State, in J which he offers to vote." The foregoing enactments would seem to be sufficient to prevent mili tary interference with elections ; but the last Congress, to remove all ap prehensions of such interference, ad ded to this body of laws section 15, of an act entitled "An Act Making ap propriations for the support of the Army for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1879, and for other purposes," ap proved June 30, 1878, which is as fol lows: "Section 15. From and after the passage of this act it Bhall not be law ful to employ any part .of the army of the United Stotes as aosse comitatus, or otherwise, for the purpose of exe cuting the laws, excepting in such cases and under Bnch oircumstances aa 3uoh employment of said force may be expressly authorized by the Con stitution, or by aot of Congress; no money appropriated by this act shall be used to pay any expenses Incurred in the employment of troops in viola tion of this section, and any person wilfully violating the provisions of this section shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and, upon conviction, shall be punished by a fine not ex ceeding $10,000, or imprisonment not exceeding two years, or both suoh fine and imprisonment.' This act passed the Senate, after a fnll consideration, without a single vote against jt on its formal passage, and by a majority of more than two thirds it was concurred Sin by the House. The purpose of the section quoted was stated. in the Senate by one of Its supporters as follows: "Therefore I hope, without getting into any controversy about the past, but acting wisely in the future, that we shall take away the idea that the army can be used by a General or special Deputy Marshal, or any Marshal, merely for election purpos es, or posse, ordering them about- the polls, or ordering them anywhere else where there is no election going on, to prevent disorders, or to suppress disturbances, that should be suppress ed by peace officers of the State, or if they must bring others to their aid, they should summon uuorganized cit izens, and not summon officers and men of the army as a posse comitatus to quell disorders, and thus get up a feeling which will be disastrous to peace among the people of the coun try." In the House of Representatives the object of the act of 1S78 was stated by the gentleman who had it in charge, in similar terms. Her cold t "But these are all minor points, and insignificant, compared with thegreat principles which was incorporated by the House in the bill in reference to the use of armed men in time of peace. The Senate had already inclu ded what they called and what we might accept as the principle, but they had stricken out the penalty, and had stricken out the word 'ex pressly,' so that the army might be used in all cases where implied au thority might be inferred, and the House Committee planted themselves firmly upon the doctrine that rather than yield this fundamental princi ple, for which for five years this House had struggled, they would al low the bill to fail, notwithstanding the reforms that we had secured, re garding these reforms as of but little consequence alongside the great prin ciple that the army of the United States, in time of peace, should be un der control of Congress and obedient to its laws. After a long and protract ed negation, the Senate Committee have conceded that principle, in all its length and breadth, including the penalty which the Senate had strick en out. We bring you back before a report with the alteration of a single word, which the lawyers assure us is proper to be made, restoring to this bill the principle for which we have contended so long, and which is so vi tal to civil rights and liberties of the people. Thus have we this day se cured to the people of this country the same great protection against the standing army which cost a struggle 200 years for the Commons of Eng land, for the British people." From this brief review of the sub ject, it sufficiently appears to me that under existing laws there can be no military interference with elections. No case of such interference has, in fact, occurred since the passage of the act last referred to. No officer of the United States has appeared under or ders at any place of election, in any State. No complaint of the presenoe of United States troops has been made iu any quarter. It ma3 therefore, be confidently stated, there is no necessi ty for the enactment.of section six of the bill before me to prevent military ! interference at elections. The laws already in forceare all'that is requir ed for that end. But that part of sec tion six of this bill which is-signlfi-cant and vitally important, is a clause which, If adopted, will deprive the civil authorities of the United States of all power to keep the peaoe at Con gressional elections. Congressional elections in every district, in a very important sense, are justly a matter of political interest and concern throughout the whole country. In each State every political party is en equal, practically, submission to suff-j rage will be accorded loyally and cheerfully, and the departments of the Government will feel the true vigor of the popular will thus ex pressed. Two provisions of the Constitution authorize legislation by Congress for the regulation of congressional elec tions. Section 4, of article 1, of the Constitution, declares the times, pla ces, and manner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof, but Congress may, t any time, by law, make or al ter such regulations, except as to the piace3 of choosing Senators. The Fifteenth amendment to the Consti tution is as follows: "Section 2. The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied by the United States, or by any State, on account of race, or pre vious condition of servitude. "Section 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by ap propriate legislation." The Supreme Court has held that this amendment invests citizens of the United Slates with a new consti tutional right which is within the protecting power of Congress. That right declares it to be free from dis crimination in exercise of the elective franchise on account of race, color, or previous servitude. The power of Congress to protect this right by ap propriate legislation, is expressly af firmed by the Court. National legis lation to provide safeguards for free and honest elections is necessary, ex perience has shown, not only to se cure the right to vote to the enfran chised race of the South, but also to prevent fraudulentvotingin the large cities of the North. Congress has, therefore, exercised the power confer red by the Constitution, and has en acted certain laws to prevent discrim ination on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude, and to punish fraud, violence, and intim idation at federal elections. Attention is called to the following sections of the Revised Statutes of the United States: "Section 2,004. Which guarantees all citizens the right to vote, without distinction on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. "Sections 2,005 and 2.00G. Which guarantee to all citizenB equal oppor tunity, without discrimination, to perform all acts regarded by the law as pre-requisites or qualifications for voting. KC5rioCf022.- WHieb authorises a U. S. Marshal and his deputies to keep the peace and preserve order at Federal elections. Section 2,024. Which expressly authorizes the U. S. Marshal and his deputies, to summon a posae comita tus whenever they, or any of them, are forcibly resisted in the execution of his duties under the law, and are prevented from executing their duties by violence. "Section 5,522. Which provides for the punishment of the crime of in terfering with Supervisors of Eleo tion and Deputy Marshals in the dis charge of their duties at elections of Representatives in Congress.'' These are some of the laws on this subject whioh it is the duty of the Executive Department of the govern ment to enforce. The intent and ef fect of the sixth section of this bill, is to prohibit all civil officers of the Uni ted States, under penalty of fine and imprisonment, from employing any adequate civil force for this purpose at a place where their enforcement is most necessary, namely: At the polls where congressional elections are held. Among the most valuable enactments to which I have referred, are those which protect Supervisors of Federal Elections in the discharge of their duties at the polls. If the pending legislation should become a law. there is no power vested in any officer of the government to proteot from violence, officers of the United States engaged in the discharge of their duties. The rights and duties under law will remain, but the Na tional government will be powerless to enforce Its own statutes, while the State may employ both military and civil power to keep the peace, and to enforce the laws at State elections. It is now proposed to deny the United States the necessary civil authority to protect national elections. No suffic ient reason has been given for this discrimination in favor of State and against national authority. If well founded objections exist against the present National election laws, all good citizens would unite in their amendment. Laws providing the safeguard of elections should be Im- partial, just, and efficient. They should, if possible, be so non-partisan and fair In their operation that the minority party out of power, will have no just grounds to complain. The present laws have, in practice, conduced to the prevention of frauds and violence of elections. It is the right and duty of the National Gov ernment to enact and enforce laws which will secure free and fair con gressional elections. The laws now in force should not be repealed, except in connection with the enactment of measures which will better accom- 1 plish that end. Beliving that section six of the bill before me will weaken, if not altogether takeaway the power of the National Government to pro tect Federal elections bj civil author ities, I am forced to the conclusion it ought not to receive my approval. That section is, however, not present ed to me as a separate measure, but is, as has fceen stated, attachedtd a bill making the usual annual approprla tions. It prohibits, under heavy pen alties, any person engaged in the civ il service of the United States, from having any force at the place of elec tion prepared to preserve order, to make arrests, to keep the peace, or in any manner enforce the laws. This is altogether foreign to the purpose of any army appropriation bill. The practice of tacking to army appropri ation bills measures not pertinent to them did not prevail till more than forty years after the adoption of the Constitution. It has now become a common practice. All parties when in power have adopted it. Many abuses and great waste of money have in this way crept into the appro priation bills. Public opinion of the oountryis against it. States which have recently adopted constitutions have generally provided a remedy for this evil by enacting that no law shall contain more than onesubject, which shall be plainly expressed in the title. Constitutions of more than half of the States contain substantially this pro vision. The public welfare will be promoted in many ways by a return to the early practice of the Govern ment and the principle of legislation which requires that every measure shall stand or fall according to its merits. If it were understood, that to attach to an appropriation bill a meas ure irrelevant to the general objeot of the bill would imperil and probably preventils final passage and approval, a valuable reform in the parliamenta ry practice of Congress would be ac complished. But the justification hs been offered for attaohing Irrelevant riders to an appropriation bill, that it is done for convenience and to facili tate the passage of measures which are deemed expedient by all branches of the Government which participate in legislation. It cannot be claimed there is any such reason for attaching this amendment of the election laws to the Army Appropriation bill. The history of the measure contradicts thisassumption. The majority of the House of Representatives in the last Congress was in favor of a section to this bill. It was established by the Constitution, aud by laws passed In pursuance thereof. Their duties are clearly defined, and their support Is carefully provided for by law. The money required for this purpose baa been collected from the people, and is now'in the treasury, ready to be paid out as soon as the appropriation bills are passed. Whether the appropri ations are passed or aot, the collection of taxes will go on. The public mon ey will accumulate In the treasury. It was not the intention of the framers of the Constitution that any single branch of the government should have the power to dictate the condi tions upon whioh this treasure should be applied to the purpose for which it was collected. Any such intention, if it had been entertained, would have been plainly expressed in the consti tution. That a majority of the Sen ate concurs in the claim of the House adds to the gravity of the situ ation, but does not alter the question at issue. The new doctrine, if main tained, will resultin the consolidation ot an unchecked and despotic power in the House of Representatives. A bare majority of the House will be come the Government. The Execu tive will no longer be what the fram ers of the Constitution Intended an independent branch of the Govern ment. It is clearly the constitutional duty of the President to exercise his discretion aud judgment upon all bills presented to him, without constraint from any other branch of the govern ment. To say that a majority of eith er, or both Hcrnses of Congress, may insist on the approval of a bill under the penalty of stopping all of the op erations of the Government for want of the. necessary supplies, is to deny to the Executive that share of legisla tive power which is plainly conferred by the second section of the seventh article of the Constitution. It strikes from the Constitution the qualified negative of the President. It is said this should be done because it is the peculiar function of the House to present the will of the people; but no single branch of the department of the Government has exclusive author ity to speak for the American people. The most authentic and solemn ex pression of their will is contained in the Constitution. By that constitu tion they have--ordained and estab lished a government whose powers are distributed among co-ordinate branches which, as far as possible, consistently with the harmonious co operation, are absolutely independent of each other. The people of this country are unwilling to see the su premacy of the Constitution replaced by the omnipotence of any depart ment of the Government. The enact ment of this bill into a law will estab lish a precedent which will tend to destroy the equal independence of the several branches of the Government. Its principle places, not merely the Senate and Executive, but the Judi ciary also under the eoerclal direction of the House. The House alone will be the judge of what constitutes, and also the means and measures of re dress. An Act of Congress to protect the elections i3 now the griev ance complained off but the House i may, on tne same principle, deter mine that any other act of Congress a treaty made by President, with the advice and consent of the Senate; a nomination or appointment to office ; or that a decision or opinion of the Supreme Court is a grievance, and that the measure of madness is to withhold the appropriations required for the support of the .offending branch of the Government. Believing that this is a dangerous violation of the spirit and meaning of the Constitution, I am compelled to return It to the House in which it originated without my approval. The qualified negative with which the Constitution invests the President is a trust that Involves a duty which I can not decline to perform with a firm and conscientious purpose to do what I can to preserve unimpaired the constitutional powers and inde pendence, not merely of the Eexecu tive, but of every branch of the gov ernment, wbioh" will be iraperriled by the adoption of this bill. I desire earnestly to urge upon the House of Representatives a return to the wise and wholstome usage of the earlier days of the Republic, which excluded from appropriation bills all irrelevant legislation. By this course yon will inaugurate an important reform in the method of Congressional legisla tion. Your action will be in harmony with the fundamental principles of the Constitution, and the patriotio sentiments of the nationality which is their firm support, and you will re store to the country that feeling of confidence, and security, and repose which is so essential to the prosperity of all our fellow-citizens. Signed, Rtjtherfoed B. Hayes PERSONAL MERIT. An Essay Suggested by Some-Unusual Matrimonial Occurrences. New York World. Just 20 years ago, in the autumn of 1S59, a lady belonging both by birth and marriage to one of the most an cient families in England Mrs. Mary Gurney, the wife of her cousin, John Henry Gurney, M.P. forKing'sLynn and the heiress In her own right of a fortune of over a million pounds ster ling electrified a wide circle offriends and connections on both sides of the Atlantic by suddenly leaving her home, her husband and her three young children, to elope to Paris with a groom, William Taylor, who had long been her companion and attend ant in her daily rides. The case ex cited extraordinary attention at the time, not only beoacse it jarred to their foundations the barriers of social caste within which well ordered Brit ain lives its comeliest daily life, but because the family thus suddenly made a public scandal, after figuring during the earliest epoohs of modern English history in the wars of the Conqueor and of the Plantagenets, has for a century past been conspicu ous in the Society of Friends. The Norman De Gournays of the eleventh and twelfth centuries were the direct progenitors of John Joseph Gurney, whom the Quakers of London and of Philadelphia hold in equal honor, and John Joseph'Gurney was the father of the gentlemen upon whom this great domestic calamity fell. Nor did the case lack other features to distinguish It from casual and daily scandals of the same Eort. Mrs. Gur ney was a woman of a keen and cul tivated intellect as well as of an im perious and ungovernable will, and, after establishing herself as her great personal estate enabled her to do in Paris with the partner cf her flight, she wrote, prepared and sent to- the press a small volume in vindication of her con duo t. In this volume, en titled 'Mrs. Gurney's Apology,' she assayed the family in which she had been educated and the society in which from her childhood to the age of 2Syears'she had lired, as having conspired together to dwarf all the emotions of her nature, and make life under the conditions recognized and imposed by them impossible to her. She imputed the waj-wardness of her nature to impulses inherited from the repeated intermarriages- of the house of Gurney during several successive generations, and arraigned her marriage to her cousins John Henry as having extinguished 'the inner light' within her a light only rekindled by her acquaintance with and admiration of her groom, in whom she described herself as having' found a being open to all the influences of nature, and whose "presence took her back to the men of her an cestral pride,' To maintain the form of a superiority where none ex isted,' she said, 'became at last an im possibility;' and so it came to pass that, upon a day when this remarka ble William Taylor was riding beside her in the highroad, she suddenly turned and avowed her love. To which Hesaid out into the air, out into the heavens, 'God has given me too great a joy. A more singular book in its way than this ' Apology' hardly exists in modern literature. We recall it to day not to offer any of the obvions criticisms, nor yet to indulge in any of the obvious moralizings, npon its strange and melancholy pages, which will occur of themselves to ev ery well balanced mind, but simply because the publisher who gave a Bmall edition of It to the world in this country excused himself for ho doing on the ground that Mrs. Gurney's ad miration of her groom was 'an earnest plea in behalf of Personal Merit,' which could not 'fail towin its way to many hearts, at least in this country, the foster-home of the plebeianceand of democracy.7 Two social events wbioh have disturbed the peace of hitherto happy homes in the neigh borhood of the metropolis during the past mouth or two put this plea for Personal Merit to tha test rather Bharply. And though in neither of these cases has the recognition by a woman of personal merit in a man bo dally regarded as her inferior been, clouded, as it was in the caae of Mra Gurney, by a positive Infraction 6? Divine and human law, it must be owned that the tone of such publlo comment as either of- these case has as yet received does not encourage the belief that 'Personal Merit la valued by fathers and mothers 'in. thiafoater home of the plebeiance and otdemoo racy' altogether above rubies and; rank. The marriage.of a young lady in Hartford to her father's coachman has not been followed by any general outburst of social sympathy and approbation ; and, although: many 2vew York. Bociar. cir cles are discussing now the still more romantic and unusualr de termination of a young lady delicate ly nutured and educated to leave her home and seek a new life elsewhere with the driver of a city caiiway car whose acquaintance was sought and whose honest and conscientious de votion was won by herself, it may be doubted whether a lofty and sentimen tal admiration of the heroine and of her practical faith iu the pceanle of the Declaration of Independence any where predominates in these discus sions. In this latter case the young lady was all that a young lady should be.. She did not consider herself, like Mrs. Gurney, a thwarted being, doom ed to gasp for life in a hothouse full of prim and broad-brimmed Quakers. She was a bright, animated, well edu cated , sensible girl. She did not seek, her fate. It came to her. In making visits to some especial friends, shs was accustomed to use a particular line of horse-cars, vaguely described in the books of the Mayor's MaVshal as a-Cross-Town line, and the cara were of the kind which are known by the un romantio name of 'bobtails. These carsr be it noted, establish close relav tions, at least in a fiscal way, between, the passenger and the driver. Tha latter, as he occupies his platform, finds suspended above his bead a narrow mirror, which is. so arranged that it reflects for him the faces of all passengers who enter the car, and which exhibits to him every aotion within it. Behind him is the- patent change spring through which the changeless passenger passes the largo coin or the greenback in order to re ceive his packet of cos.venieai silver Only the love which laughs at lock smiths, but not at car-drivers,. can tell how passion should have oome to birth amid such dull and common place details. Neither of the happy couple has been yet moved to tell the story. But the mirror aud the change spring, it is agreed, had the most to do with the introduction In a phort time there happened the coincidence that the lady was always ab?e, when she left home for her visits, to halls that especial car, the mirror of which as she sat within, reflected to her the features- of that especial driver, and to him the graces f bis charming: passenger. She was of an old ETnick erbroker strain, dashed with New England blood, and he was a-'teasing pleasing Irishman. The half-dimes? which she surrendered every day to- the Cross-town Company must have delighted the treasurer, who doubtless wondered, too, at the increasing good humor with which every Saturday night the happy ear-driver took I1I3 paltry trade-dollar for wages. One day she quietly announced -her ap proaching marrfage to her guardian,. told the story of her affection, andf asked that her proper portion, of her inherited estate might be made over to her. Remonstrances were made bitterly, sadly, earnestly but in. vain. The strangely united couple vrent quietly to the Catholic oburek in Avenue she in a modest walking dress, and he in a new suit of chevoit and exchanged their vows. There wasnoscene.no romancing, no dra matics. To him, doubtless, she was a goddess, but Uis wife. To he7 he waB a car-driver, but yet her quiet, manly altogether estimable husba&d. She sent her uncle her address on the sec ond floor of a tenement flat In the av enue which the cars and their driver of her fate held their route; and so each could see the other as the passing and repassing came-. They live- to gether happily so fur in or out of the car, In or out of the flat, in or oat of the city, matters not. But the doora of the old home are not opened to either. Sueh is chapter the first of the latest romanee In New York soci ety ; and what one of our fair readers will not honestly say that, aa she reads it, her first impulse is to agree with the Philadelphia publisher of I Mrs. Gurney's Apology ? A Cheap LigM. Camping and fishing parties can obtain a good light by soaking a brick I in kerosene oil for ten minutes. The brick absorbs the oil, and being sus pended with wire and ignited, a brll- liant light lasting half an hour, is ob tained. This Is said by those who have experimented with it to be greatly superior to the torch In gen eral use. It is rather early to talk of camping out, but the time Is coming,, and then this recipe will be accept able. - One reason why more people did not go into the ark Is that Noah neg lected to advertise in thedaiiy papers. There is agreat moral lesson In this fact..