Nebraska advertiser. (Brownville, Nemaha County, N.T. [Neb.]) 1856-1882, March 08, 1866, Image 1

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. GEO. W. HILL Cl CO,,
AdTirmerBl9cic,llAln S't Between lt 4. 2d,
urownvillo, INT.
La aiJltiet&l iasertion -Basisen
earl3iz lisei er lest cse jfir
One eolnmo cm r . -Cneialf
eospa one jear -Oat
focrthl eolaaaoEe year - m
One eighth column one year -One
column six months -One
Ji4!f colnian lis ncnths
Onefonrtb eoltsmn t;t r.cnt'-i
1 ti
10 Ct
fO C!
) j
:i cj
15 CJ
10 C3
21 C
15 C3
13 f J
ft Q
! iM!
ii u u
x o y y y
One eighth eolarca sUr.c-'.is
Oceeolaaa three ccntbs -One
halfcolama three ntnl-i
One eighth column three month! -
. . nTf.J advance, - - iS6o;
AlItraasienUdverti:aent f tnast be j-sii in .as-
YearlvadvertisementfqnarteTlTin adisr.ce.
All kinds of J ob, Cook and Card print ii f , dene la
'bebeststvleon ibortnetiee andresjcnsble
i me".
1 ?ubCnpI'IUD .u...aui;u
-T ' . i,i iTli. anden hort notice.
,,. w'H. ! i rin'i Bit uy w or,
, i I- "
NO. 2i-
j prjaenry J. Churchman,
m mm i s.iol
I. rradualcof ilie Medical Depart
- mnls of the 1'nli'crKlty of
I Va., ina jexxrfon mcu,
College, I'll 1 la., Pa
I headers Lis Professional Servic to theciticens of
Brow nvlllc ana rlclnltj.
! TA00N8, buggies, plows, CTJLTI-
! VITOR3, tc.. Repaired o rtiort notice, t low rtWi,
j mi wrruted to fie satisfaction. -U-fn.nn
4 South East eorner of M,in and First Street
Ornci IIocrs 7 to 9 a. ji. and I to 2 and t to
j Brownville, Nebraska, May 5th, 1865 No 34, ly.
Office crner f Main and Urd Streete.
front S:rect, between Main and Water,
Millinery & Fancy Goods
Kain Rireet cne door west of the Post Office
A u:eri'pr ntcck of Fall aim Wiater Ud
j just receiveit. Everything In Millinery line
; kepteonntantly on hand. Urs-Making, Ik.nnet
B.cacbiriff nt Tfiiuminj done to or4er.
0:toW,25 13Si.
C 3i
Main Street between First and Second,
prownvillo, 3?iJo1o i-r
Corner Main and First Streets,
t :
! . MARSH & CO.,
: feral News Agents and . Stationers,
' Post OCice Dutlding,
1 He hare on hand and are constantly receiving
! jfwh tupplitg of Bookf, Periodicals, Stationary,
nct(.grth Albums, School Books; also Confec
1 tionarj, Cigara, Tobacco, and a choice selection of
: 'npy Groceries generally, to which they invite the
i !Dton of the cititens of Nemaha county, and
j lbJ boptby strict attention to business, and fair
! " merit a share of the public patronage.
) MARSH, nI5-ly J. W. BLISS.
I :
J .EtTing opened np permanently on
ZVXvlx Qtroot,
ndooraove the" Baltimore Clothing Store, is
Pwedtodoallkinds of work in his line in the
i,tTJ bttt and style. Barticnlar attentione given to
,ctrw- r-n m p'd
! ' J. A. HEWES.
I Solicitor in Chancery.
! rchth,y.
DtroiTnvIlIc, Nebraska.
V7. PEDICORD, Propiietor.
frotw- r'furDisle(I under its present enterprising
:aiJ ,0T' h goarrantees satisfaction to all who
, JPtroBi his IIou?e. x-5-ly
Aini'l . yet.readj to perform all work.par-
-n8 eu d v n P-intineg!;'ngnd PP hatg
nu 3. ,hort notce, and the most approved
S?- Te"ncash. Give him a call. r
ng'Stor? " st of Atkinson 'Cloth-
- H Is prepared to do all
e ceiteit ana rhetret tyle fur cas
??nTlli.fAPrU7, ly.
fi1 IS!
Hoase-SIsn & Ortiamental
Glazier, Gilder, Grainer,
All work done in workman
like manner, and on tripkly-
o i nOoa WEST OF bsowktilli bosi
Perianal attention given to maling Loeatim.
Office in J. I. Carson's Banking House.
x-H-ly fr-nn
C. O. DORSE. 8. M. BICH.
$Ufortt.ei)Si fit Cmv,
. And
co3i3iERciAii cor,tt:cTons.
Office S. E. eomor Mai and Firtt Streets,
Will give prompt attention to all business en
trusted to them in the various Courts of Nebraska
and North Missouri : also, to tho Collection of
Bounty Money, Bock Pay, and Pension ; and to
the Payment of Taxes. 9-40-yly
takes this method of informing the public that he
has just oponed,on Main street, between 1st and 2nd,
a Restaurant fmd Oyster Saloon.
Also, Confectionaries, Canned Fruit, Dried
rrait, Spices of ill kinds. lea,. Coffee, Sugar
Tobacco, Potatoes, sweet Potatoes and everything
usnalty kept in a retain grocery store.
x 15-ly
T E3 mSJT E3 L "ST 2 !
J O S E f li b II U T Z
TTould reopectfull inform his old customers that he
ha acaln opened bis Jewelrj Snopin bis old stand on
Main street, south side, two doors east or ibe Brown
ville House. He keeps on band a splendid assortment
of everytbln; in bis Hue of business, which he will
sell on the iuwest terms fer Cash-
Of Clocks; Vatches and Jewelry done on the short
est Kotice.
Brown vine, Neb.. May I9tb. 1864. nS7-v8-Iy
Wholesale and Retail
Evan Worthing:,
Has Jnst Received the larcsst and best stock ol
Llonors and Cigars ever offered In this market, and
rili sell them as low aa any House in the Territory.
Main Street, BrqwnTille
23eary cb Oo
Have just opened a splendid
Stock of
Sugars, Teas, Coffee, Rice, Tobacco
Cigars, Soap, Dried Fruit of all kinds.
Nuts, Candies, Molasses, Salt, Wooden
Vare of all kinds, fanned Fruit, Oys
ters, Pickles, and every Article usually
kept m a nrst class
Grocery store ia
WnnKEr'p Block, Main Street
Brownville Nebraska,
Invites the public to call and exam
ine their Stock, before purchasing
elsewhere as they are'compident.
August gist 11565. '
Mi A mm mm
po civil.
For the Advertiser
A Memory Rare.
Oat from the depths of the faded years
I rescue a gem of that by gbne time ,
A memory rare that with hallowed ear
I weave in a string of golden rhyme.
A rocm in a farm house, large and old
Where the Angel, Deaf A seemed to hover awhile,
Two watchers pale', heard the faint low wail
. From the suffering coach of a little child.
The midnight waned, and the angel parsed
And the child was lulled in ajireet repose.
And there by the light, ia the still midnight
They sat til 1 the beautiful morning rose.
One eweet watcher, was a maiden fair -Whose
sool till the glorious Itars shall set
Till dies the light, in the last midnight
My heart can never no never forget !
We strong eweet stories in happy Terse
For her soul with treasured gems was rife
Like fair flowers pressed, on a snow white breast
I saw the bloom of a beautiful life.
The midnight waned, and the fnofhjrj broke
And wrapping our forms from the chilly air
We stole away, in the early grey
I, and tie maiden, so sweet and fair.
The dawn crept faint from the hills afar,
And the stars in their beauty softly set
It was early spring, of the time I sing,
v And the flowers with a tender dew were wet.
A belt of woodland skirted the field,
The spring was white with a dash of bloom
From the wild plum trees,and) the wandering breese
Was heavy with a wealth of sweet perfume.
The wild plum blossoms scented the earth,
The rio let bloomed in the sleepy dell,
As wrapt,we stood, in the slumbering wood
While mora from the beaatiful universe fell.
We called some blooms from the wild plum tree
And some fresh violets, deep and b?jje,
Then turned again, to the eouch of pain
I and the maiden whose soul I knew.
0 wandring breeie, 0 sweet perfume I
- I woo ye now o'er the laps pf years,
And the memory rare, of the mad tea fair
Grows bright and fresh, with the rain of tears.
And this is why from the faded years
I rescue a gem of that by gone time
A memory rere, that.witb hallowed care
I weave in astring of golden rbjme.
Washington, February 20.
The following is the message of Pres
ident Johnson, vetoing the Freedman's
Bureau bill:
To the Senate of the United States :
I hare examined with care the bill
which originated in the Senate and has
been passed by both Houses ot Congress,
to amend an act entitled an act to estab
lish a burean for the relief of freedmen
and refugess, and for other purposes.
Having with much regret come to the
conclusion that it would not be consist
ent with the public welfare to give my
approval to the measure, I return the
bill to the Senate, with my objections to
Us becoming a law. I might call to
mind, that there is no immediate neces
sity for the proposed measure. The act
to establish a bureau for the relief of
freedmen and refugees, which was ap
proved in the month of March last, has
not vet expired. It was thought strin
gent and extensive enough for the pur
pose in view. Before it ceases to have
effect, further experience may assist to
guide us to wise conclusions as to the
policy to be adopted in time of peace.
I have, with Congress, the strongest de
sire to secure to freedmen the full enjoy
ment pf their freedom and their proper
ty, and their entire independence and
equality in making contracts for their la
bor, but the bill before me contains pro-
visions which, in my opinion, are not
warranted by the Constitution, and are
not well suited to accomplish the end in
view. The bill proposes to
authority of Congress, military jurisdic
tion over all parts of the United States
containing refugees and freedmen. It
would by its vgry nature apply with more
force in those parts of the United States
in which the freedmen most abound, and
it expressly extends the existing tempo
rary jurisdiction of the Fieedmen's Bu
reau, with greatly enlarged powers.over
those States in which the ordinary course
of judi ial proceedings has been inter
rupted by the rebellion. The source
from which. this military jurisdiction is to
eminate is none other than the Presi
of the United States, acting tijrpqgh the
War Department and the Commissioner
of the Freedmen'a Bureau.- The agents
to carry out this military jurisdiction are
to be ejected either from the army or
civil life,
The country is to be divided into dis
tricts and sub-districts, and the number
of salaried agents to be emplcyed may
be equal to the number of counties or
parishes in all the United States where
freedmen and refugees are to be found.
The subjects over which this military
jurisdiction is to extend, in every part of
the United States, include protection to
all employees, agents and officers of this
bureau in the exercise of the duties im
posed upon them by the bill in eleven
States. It is further to extend over all
cases affecting freedmen and refugees
discriminated agents by local tax, custom
or prejudfee in these eleven States . The
bill subjects any white person, who may
be charged with depriving a freed:nan
of any civil rights or immunities belong
ing to white perenn. to imprisonment or
fine, or both, without however defining
the civil rights and immunities which
are thus to bs secured to Freedmen by
military law. .This military jurisdiction
also extends to all questions that may
arie respecting contracts. The agent
who is thus to exercise the office of a
Military Judge may be a stranger, en
tirely ignorant of the laws of the place,
and exposed to errors of Judgment to
which all men are liable. The egejer
cise of a power over which there is no
legal supervision, by so vast a number of
agents as is contemplated by the bill,
must by the very nature of man be at
tended by acts of caprice, injustice and
passion. The triails having their ori
gin under this bill; are to take place
without intervention of a jury and
without any fixed rules of law or evi
dence. The rules on which offense are
to be heard and delermiged by the nu
merous agents are such rules and regu
lassons, as the President through the
War Department shall prescribe. No
previous prerentment is required, nor
any indictment charging the commit
ting of a crime against the law, but the
trial must proceed on charges and spe
cifications. The punishment will not be
as the law declares, but such as a court
martial may think proper,and from these
arbitrary tribunals there is no peal, no
writ of error to any of the Courts in
which the , Constitution .cf-ahc-llnitprl
States vests exclusively the judicial pow
er of the country, while the territory and
the clasj of actions and offenses, that
are made subject to this measure are so
extensive that the bill itself, should it be
come a law, will have no limitation 1 in
point of time, but will form a part of the
permanent legislation of the country.
I cannot reconcile a system of military
jurisdiction of thi kind, with the words
of the Constitution, which declare that
no person shall be held to answer for a
capital or otherwise infamous crime, un
less on a presentment or indictment of a
Grand Jury, except in cases arising in
the land or naval forces, er while in ac
tual service in time of war or public dan
ger, and that in all criminal prosecutions
the accused shall enjoy the right to a
speedy and public trial by an impartial
jury of the State or district where the
crime shall have been committed. The
safeguards which the wisdom and expe
rience of ages taught1 our fathers to
establish as securities for the protection
of the innocent, the punishment of the
guilty, and the equal administration of
justice, are to be set aside, and for the
sake of a more vigorous interposition in
behalf of justice we are to take the risk
of the many acts of injustice that would
of necessity follow from fan almost count
less number of agents, established in ev
ery parish of he cpuntry in nearly a
third of the states of the . Union,' over
whose , deciiion there is to be no su-
pervisionary control by the 'Federal
courts. The power that would thus be
placed in the hands of the president is
such as on time of peace the country
ought never to entrust to any one man.
If it be aked whether the1 creation of
such a tribunal within a State is war
ranted as a measure of war, the ques
tion immediately presents itself whether
we are still engaged in war. Let us not
unnecessarily district the commerce, the
credit and industry of the country by de
claring to the American people and the
world that the United States are still in
a condition of civil war. At present
there is no part of our country in which
the authority of the United States is dis
puted. Offenses that may be committed
by individuals should not work a forfeit
ure of the rights of the saline communi
ty. The country has entered, or is re
turning to a state c peace and industry,
and rebellion is in fact at an end. The
measure, therefqre, seem3 to be as in
consistent with the actual conditiou of
the country as it is at varience with, the
Constitution of the United States.
If, in passing from general considera
tions, we examine the bill in detail, it is
open tp we:ghty objections. In time' of
war it was eminently proper that we
should provide for those who were pas
sing suddenly from a condition of bon
dage to a state of freedom, but thi; bill
proposes to make the freedraen's bureau,
established by the act of 186-5, as one of
the many great and extratrdinary mili
tary measures to suppress a formidable
rebellion, a permanent branch of the ad
ministration, with its power greatly en
larged. I have no reason to jsuppose,and
I do not understand it to be alleged that
the act of March, 1S65, has proved de
ficient for which tt seas passed, although
at that time, and for a considerable pe
riod thereafter, the Government of the
United Slates remained unacknowledged
in most of the States whose inhabitants
had been involved in4he rebellion. The
institution of silvery, for the military
destruction of which the freedmen's bu
reau was called into existence as an
auxiliary has been already effectually
and finally abrogated throughout the
whole 'country by an amendnient of the
constitution of the United States, and
practically its eradication has received
the assent and concurrence of most. of
those Stated which at any time had ex
isted. I am not therefore able to discern
how the powers and agencies of the
freedmen's bureau which werh effective
for the protection of freedmen and refu
gees during the actual continuation of
hostilities and of African servitude, will
now in a time of peace and after the
abolition of slavery prove inadequate to
he same proper ends. If I am correct
in these views there can be no necessi
ty for the enlargement of the powers of
the bureau for which provision is made
in the bill.
The third section of the bill authori
zes a general and unlimited amount of
support to the destitute and suffering
refugees and the freedmen and their
wives and childrsn. The succeeding
sections make provision for the rent or
purchase of landed estates for the freed
men, nd for the erectioD for their ben
efit of suitable buildings for asylums and
schools, the expenses to be defrayed
from the treasury of the whole people.
The Congress of the United States has
never heretofore thought itself compe
tent to establish any laws beyond the
limits of the District of Columbia, except
for the benefit of our disabled soldiers.
It has never founded schools for' any
class of our own people, not even for the
orphans of those who have fallen in de
fense of the Union, but has left the care
of their education to the much more com
petent control of States, of communities,
of private associations and of individuals
It has never deemed itself authorized to
expend public money for rent or pur
chase of houses for the thousands, not to
say millions of the white race, who are
honestly toiling from day to day for their
subsistence. A system for the support
of indignant persons in the United Slates
was never contemplated by the authors
of the constitution, nor can any good
reason be advanced why, as a perma
nent establishment, it should me, and
for one class or color of our people more
than for another. Pending the war
many refugees and freedmen received
support trom the government, but it was
never intended they should henceforth
be fed, clothed, educated and sheltered
by the United States. The idea on
which the slaves were assisted to free
dom was that . on becoming free they
would be a self -sustaining population,and
any legislation that shall imply that they
are not expected to attain a self-sustaining
condition must have a tendency in
jurious alike to their character and their
prosperity. The appointment of an
agent for every county .and parish will
create an immense patronage, and the
expen3 of the numerous officers and
their clerks to be appointed by the Pres
idem, will be great in the beginning,
with a tendency steadily to increase.
The appropriations asked by the Freed
men's Bureau, as now established, for
the year 1866, amount to $11, 74-5,000.
It may be safely estimated the cost to ba
incurred under, the pending bill will re
require double that amount, more than
the entire sura expended in any one year
under the administration of the second
Adams. In the presence of agents in
every parish and county ii to b8 consid
ered a war measure. Opposition cr
even resistance might be provoked, so
that to give effect to their jurisdiction
troops would have to be stationed within
reach of every-ons cf them, and th'43 a
large standing force be rendered nec
essary. Large appropriations would
therefore be requirea to sustain and en
force rmiluryjuris'Uction in every coun
ty and parish from the Pcioraac to the
Rio Grande. The condition of our fis
cal afinirs is encouraging, bst in order
to sustain "the, present measure cf public
confidence it is necessary that we prac
tice not cwrely cusiomary economy, but
as far as possible secure retrenchment.
In addition to the objections already sta
ted, the fifth secvon of the bill proposes
to take away land from its former own
ers, without any leg proceedings being
first had, contrary to that provision cf
the Constitution1 which declares that no
person shall be deprived of' life, liberty
or property, without due process cf law.
It does not appear that the land to which
this section refers.rnay not hi owned by
miwfs cr) persons of unsound mind, or
by those who hz3& been faithful to all
their cblbtions as citizens of the Uni
ted Stak.s, If any portion of the land is
held by such penens, it i3 not compe
tent for any authority to deprive them cf
it. If, cn the other hand, it be found
that the property is liable to confiscation
even then it cannot be appropriated to
public porposei until by due process of
law it shall have been declared forfeited
to the GovernmOt. There are still
further objections to the bill on grounds
seriously affecting the class of persons
to whom it is designed to bring relief.
It will tend to keep the mind of the
freedman in a state of uncertain expec
tation and restlessness, while to those
among whom he lives it will be a source
of constant and vague apprehension.
Undoubtedly the freedmen chouli be
protected, but thtj should be protected
the civil authorities, and especially by
the exercise cf all the Constitutional
powers of the Courts of the United
Slates and of the States. His condition
is not so exposed as at first, may be im
agined he is in a portion of the country
where his labor connot well b8 spared.
Competion for his cervices from planters
from those who tire constructing in his
vicinity, or from other States, will enable
hint to command almost his own terms.
He also possesses a perfect right to
change his placg of abode and if there
fore, he does not find in one community
or state,- a mode of life suited to his de
sires, or proper remuneration for his la
bor, he can m ove to another, where la
bor is more esteemed, and better rewar
ded. In truth, however, each state in
duced by its own wants and interest will
do what is necessary and proper to retain
within its borders all the Jabor that is
needed for the development of its re
sources. The laws that regulate, sup
ply and demand, will maintain their
force and the wages of the laborer will
be regulated thereby. While there is
no danger that the great demand for la
bor will not operate in favcr of the la
borer, neither is suflicient consideration
given to the ability of the Freedmen to
protect and take care of themselves. It
is co more than justice to them to be
Ieive that as they have received their
freedom with moderation and forbear
ance, so they will distinguish themselves
by their industry, and they will soon
show the world that in a condition of
freedom, they are self sustaining and
capable of selecting their own employ
ment, and their own places of abode, of
insisting for themselves on a proper re
muneration, and of establishing and
maintaining their own' asylums and
schools. It is earnestly hoped that in
stead of wasting away, they wiltby their
own efforts establish for themselves a
condition of respectability, and industry.
It is certain they can attain that condi
tion only through their own" merits and
exertions. In this condition, the query
presents iuelf whether the system pro
posed by the bill will not when put into
complete operation, practically transfer
the entire care, support and control of
four millions cf emancipated slaves, to
rgents, overseers or . taskmasters, who
appointed at Washington, are to be locat
ed in every county and pariah throughout
the United States containing freedmen
and refugees. Such a systeta would in
evitably tend to such a concentration cf
power in the Executive which would en
able him if so disposed to control the ac
tion of a numerous class, and use them
for the attainment cf his own political
ends. I cannot but add another very
grave objection' to this bill. The Con
stitution imperatively declares in connec
tion with taxation that each State shall
have at least one representative, and fix
es the rule for tha members in fature
times each Stats thill be entitled. It
also provides .that the Senate of the U.
S. slall ba composed cf Senators from
each State, and adds with peculiar force,
that no State without its coqient shall be
deprived cf its suffrage ia tLa Senate,
The original act was necessarily passed
in the absence of the States chiefly to 1$
affected becauia li,eir people were then
contumaciously engaged in the rebellion.
Now the case .is changed, and soma at
least cf the States ate attending Con
gress by loyal represematives and solici
ting the allowance of the corutifiUoaal
right of repre.tenutfon. At the time",
however, cf the consideration and pass
in? cf the bill there was no Senator cr
Representative ia Congress frcrn th? 11
States which are to be cainly affected '
by its provisions. - Ths very faet that
reports were and ere made against ,tb.3
good disposition of the country 13 an ad
ditional reason why they need and should
have representatives of their own ia
Congress to explaU their conditisn, es
pecially to accusations, and assist by lh?if
local knowledge in the perfecting of i
measure immediately affecting themsslvs
while the liberty of deliberation wotill
then be free and Congress would havt
full power to.decide according to its judg
ment. There colild be no objection urg
ed that the States moat interested had
not been permitted to be heard. The
principle is firmly fixed ia the minds of
the American people that there cauli b
no. taxation' without representations.
Great burdens are now to be borne by
all the country, and we may best demand
that they shall be borne without a mur
mur when they r noted by & majority
of the representatives of all the people.
I would not interfere with the unques
tionable right of Congress to judge each
housa for itself cf the : election returns
and qualifications cf its own members.
But that authority cannot be oonstrusd as
including' the right to put out in tins cf
peace any State from the representation
ts which it i3 entitled by the constitu
tion. At present allhe people cf elev
en States are excluded those who were
most faithful during the war not less
than others. The State of Tennessea for
instance, whcis .authorities were engag
ed in rebellion was restoreJ to all her
constitutional relations to the Union by
the patriotism and energy of her injur
ed and betrayed people before the war
was brought to a . termination. Thay
had placed themselves in relation with
the general government; had established
a state government of their own and as
they were not included ia tha emancipa
tion proclamation, they, by their own
act, bars amended their contitutioa so
as to abolish slavery within tha limits cf
their State. I know of na reason why
the State .cf Tennessee, for example,
should not fully enjoy her constitutional
relations to the United State3. Tha Pres.
ident of the United States stands toward
tha country ia a somewhat different atti
tude from that of any ' member cf Con
gress chosen from any single district cr
State. Eleven States ara not at this
time represented ia either braach cf Con
gress. It would seem to be hi3 duty ca
all proper occasions to present their just
claims to Congress. There always will
be differences of cpinioa in the commu
nity and individual may be guilty cf
violations of th8 law, but these do cot
constituta valid objections againat lha
right of States to representation. It
would in no wise interfere with tha. de
cision of Congress with regard to tha
qualifications cf members. But I hold it
my duty to recommend to you ia the in
terests cf peace and interasts'-cf tha
Union, the admission cf every Stata t3
its share of public legislation, when,
however, insubordinate, insurgent cr re
bellious its people may hav8 been, it
presents itself in aa attitude cf loyalty
and harmony, but ia the persons of rep
resentatives whose loyalty cannot ba
questioned undar tha existing constitu
tional and legal test. It is plain that aa
indefinite permanent ' exclusion cf any
part of the country from representation
must be attended by a spirit cf disquh
and complaint. It is unwise and danger
ous to pursue a course cf measures which
will unite any large section cf country
no matter how much tha latter may pre
dominate. The course cf immigration
development of industry and busine3 and,
natural causes will raise up at tha South
men as devoted to tha South men as de
leted to tha Union as thesa'cf any other
part of our land; but if ihey are exdudV
ed from Congress, if ia permanent stat
ute they ara declared not to ba ia full
constitutional relations ta the country,
they msy think . they Lave caassO la
come a union ia feeling and sentiment
against tha Government.' Under tha pa.
litical education cf tha American
the idea is inherent and; irradicabla thst
the consent o; tha rr.ijoriiy cf th? whc'.j