iiATLS Or ADVERTlIX.U : NEBRASKA ADVERTISER rCSLlSaZD IVXRT TETCBSDAT ST . GEO. W. HILL Cl CO,, AdTirmerBl9cic,llAln S't Between lt 4. 2d, urownvillo, INT. if La aiJltiet&l iasertion -Basisen earl3iz lisei er lest cse jfir One eolnmo cm je.ar r . -Cneialf eospa one jear -Oat focrthl eolaaaoEe year - m One eighth column one year -One column six months -One Ji4!f colnian lis ncnths Onefonrtb eoltsmn t;t r.cnt'-i 1 ti 10 Ct fO C! ) j :i cj 15 CJ 10 C3 21 C 15 C3 13 f J ft Q ! iM! 1 i ii u u v Ay x o y y y One eighth eolarca sUr.c-'.is Oceeolaaa three ccntbs -One halfcolama three ntnl-i OnefoBrth,colB,TJStbreencati One eighth column three month! JiteiforrfT.ee - . . nTf.J advance, - - iS6o; AlItraasienUdverti:aent f tnast be j-sii in .as- ranee. YearlvadvertisementfqnarteTlTin adisr.ce. All kinds of J ob, Cook and Card print ii f , dene la 'bebeststvleon ibortnetiee andresjcnsble i me". 1 ?ubCnpI'IUD .u...aui;u -T ' . i,i iTli. anden hort notice. ,,. w'H. ! i rin'i Bit uy w or, LIBERTY AND -UNION, ONE AND INSEPARABLE NOW AND ' FOREVER" , i I- " VOL. X, BROWNVILLE, NEBRASKA, THURSDAY, MARCH, 8, 1866 NO. 2i- J V I I j ? VlNESS CARDS. j prjaenry J. Churchman, m mm i s.iol I. rradualcof ilie Medical Depart - mnls of the 1'nli'crKlty of I Va., ina jexxrfon mcu, College, I'll 1 la., Pa j I headers Lis Professional Servic to theciticens of i' Brow nvlllc ana rlclnltj. OFFICE AT TIIE BROWNVILLE IIOUSE. TjRANZ HELMER, I OPPOSITE DEUSER'S TIN-SHOP, j BROIVXVILLC, ACIinASKA. ! TA00N8, buggies, plows, CTJLTI- ! VITOR3, tc.. Repaired o rtiort notice, t low rtWi, j mi wrruted to fie satisfaction. -U-fn.nn I C. F." STEWART, ML). A. S. UOLLADAY, MD. PHYSICIANS AND SURGEOriS. opnors 4 South East eorner of M,in and First Street ! BROIVXTILLE, XEORASIIA. Ornci IIocrs 7 to 9 a. ji. and I to 2 and t to J TXT.. j Brownville, Nebraska, May 5th, 1865 No 34, ly. ! EDWARD W. THOMAS, ! ATTORNEY d AT LAW, ! SOLICITOR INDCHANCERY, Office crner f Main and Urd Streete. BROWNVILLE, NEBRASKA. AMERICAN HOUSE L.D.noRixsox,rnopRiCTOii front S:rect, between Main and Water, BROWNVILLE, NEBRASKA. iUis.iH.lU.cmctt, Millinery & Fancy Goods STORE. Kain Rireet cne door west of the Post Office mumvii.L.E, ICKIIKASKA. A u:eri'pr ntcck of Fall aim Wiater Ud j just receiveit. Everything In Millinery line ; kepteonntantly on hand. Urs-Making, Ik.nnet B.cacbiriff nt Tfiiuminj done to or4er. 0:toW,25 13Si. C 3i , . OKKEhAL DEALFK I I STAPLE AND FANCY DRY GOODS BOOTS & SHOES I GROC23R.IBS Main Street between First and Second, prownvillo, 3?iJo1o i-r !ST. B. JOHNSON, 1 OFFICE WITH L.nOADLEV, Corner Main and First Streets, t : Iin01TxTILI.E, KEDRASKA. v9-4l-pt-54 ! . MARSH & CO., SCCCISSOR? TO M A RSII & ZOOK, : feral News Agents and . Stationers, ' Post OCice Dutlding, ! nilOWNVILLB. NEBRASKA. 1 He hare on hand and are constantly receiving ! jfwh tupplitg of Bookf, Periodicals, Stationary, nct(.grth Albums, School Books; also Confec 1 tionarj, Cigara, Tobacco, and a choice selection of : 'npy Groceries generally, to which they invite the i !Dton of the cititens of Nemaha county, and j lbJ boptby strict attention to business, and fair ! "llDg.to merit a share of the public patronage. ) MARSH, nI5-ly J. W. BLISS. I C. W. WHEELER, CABINET-MAKER I : AND j CARPENTER. J .EtTing opened np permanently on ZVXvlx Qtroot, ndooraove the" Baltimore Clothing Store, is Pwedtodoallkinds of work in his line in the i,tTJ bttt and style. Barticnlar attentione given to ,ctrw- r-n m p'd ! ' J. A. HEWES. ! ATTORNEY T LAW, AND I Solicitor in Chancery. ! L1ND AND COLLECING AGENTS. ! rchth,y. BEOWHVILLE HOUSE, ; COB. MAIN AND 2ND STS., DtroiTnvIlIc, Nebraska. V7. PEDICORD, Propiietor. frotw- r'furDisle(I under its present enterprising :aiJ ,0T' h goarrantees satisfaction to all who , JPtroBi his IIou?e. x-5-ly j "STITCH IH TIKE EAVES HIHEV 1 v . LolJIS WALDTER, Aini'l . yet.readj to perform all work.par- 'DJCtohubuaitess. -n8 eu d v n P-intineg!;'ngnd PP hatg nu 3. ,hort notce, and the most approved S?- Te"ncash. Give him a call. r ng'Stor? " st of Atkinson 'Cloth- - H Is prepared to do all u T L COLORING e ceiteit ana rhetret tyle fur cas ??nTlli.fAPrU7, ly. fi1 IS! Hi!, Hoase-SIsn & Ortiamental Glazier, Gilder, Grainer, PApER HAIeGER etc. All work done in workman like manner, and on tripkly- TERMS. o i nOoa WEST OF bsowktilli bosi RICHARD F. BARRET, GIEEI1L MI . m, A5D ' DEALEE IV LAND WARRANTS & LAND SCRIPT, Perianal attention given to maling Loeatim. Office in J. I. Carson's Banking House. BROWNVILLE, NEBRASKA. x-H-ly fr-nn C. O. DORSE. 8. M. BICH. DORSET & RICH, $Ufortt.ei)Si fit Cmv, . And co3i3iERciAii cor,tt:cTons. Office S. E. eomor Mai and Firtt Streets, BROWNVILLE, NEBRASKA." Will give prompt attention to all business en trusted to them in the various Courts of Nebraska and North Missouri : also, to tho Collection of Bounty Money, Bock Pay, and Pension ; and to the Payment of Taxes. 9-40-yly RESTAURANT AND OYSTER SALOON. WILLIAM ROSSELL takes this method of informing the public that he has just oponed,on Main street, between 1st and 2nd, mtOHXTILLE, IVEDRASHA. a Restaurant fmd Oyster Saloon. Also, Confectionaries, Canned Fruit, Dried rrait, Spices of ill kinds. lea,. Coffee, Sugar Tobacco, Potatoes, sweet Potatoes and everything usnalty kept in a retain grocery store. 5?-J!EAI.S SERVED AT ALL nOURS.. FRKSII OYSTERS x 15-ly BACK TO THE OLD STAND! CLOCK, WATCHES, T E3 mSJT E3 L "ST 2 ! J O S E f li b II U T Z TTould reopectfull inform his old customers that he ha acaln opened bis Jewelrj Snopin bis old stand on Main street, south side, two doors east or ibe Brown ville House. He keeps on band a splendid assortment of everytbln; in bis Hue of business, which he will sell on the iuwest terms fer Cash- Of Clocks; Vatches and Jewelry done on the short est Kotice. WORK WARRANTED. Brown vine, Neb.. May I9tb. 1864. nS7-v8-Iy CHOICE LIQTI0B3. Wholesale and Retail Evan Worthing:, OF THE ' BROWNVILLE, Has Jnst Received the larcsst and best stock ol Llonors and Cigars ever offered In this market, and rili sell them as low aa any House in the Territory. irniTXET'S Main Street, BrqwnTille reb.4,'filyly. 23eary cb Oo Have just opened a splendid Stock of COXS1STISO OF Sugars, Teas, Coffee, Rice, Tobacco Cigars, Soap, Dried Fruit of all kinds. Nuts, Candies, Molasses, Salt, Wooden Vare of all kinds, fanned Fruit, Oys ters, Pickles, and every Article usually kept m a nrst class Grocery store ia WnnKEr'p Block, Main Street Brownville Nebraska, Invites the public to call and exam ine their Stock, before purchasing elsewhere as they are'compident. August gist 11565. ' Mi A mm mm po civil. For the Advertiser A Memory Rare. Oat from the depths of the faded years I rescue a gem of that by gbne time , A memory rare that with hallowed ear I weave in a string of golden rhyme. A rocm in a farm house, large and old Where the Angel, Deaf A seemed to hover awhile, Two watchers pale', heard the faint low wail . From the suffering coach of a little child. The midnight waned, and the angel parsed And the child was lulled in ajireet repose. And there by the light, ia the still midnight They sat til 1 the beautiful morning rose. One eweet watcher, was a maiden fair -Whose sool till the glorious Itars shall set Till dies the light, in the last midnight My heart can never no never forget ! We strong eweet stories in happy Terse For her soul with treasured gems was rife Like fair flowers pressed, on a snow white breast I saw the bloom of a beautiful life. The midnight waned, and the fnofhjrj broke And wrapping our forms from the chilly air We stole away, in the early grey I, and tie maiden, so sweet and fair. The dawn crept faint from the hills afar, And the stars in their beauty softly set It was early spring, of the time I sing, v And the flowers with a tender dew were wet. A belt of woodland skirted the field, The spring was white with a dash of bloom From the wild plum trees,and) the wandering breese Was heavy with a wealth of sweet perfume. The wild plum blossoms scented the earth, The rio let bloomed in the sleepy dell, As wrapt,we stood, in the slumbering wood While mora from the beaatiful universe fell. We called some blooms from the wild plum tree And some fresh violets, deep and b?jje, Then turned again, to the eouch of pain I and the maiden whose soul I knew. 0 wandring breeie, 0 sweet perfume I - I woo ye now o'er the laps pf years, And the memory rare, of the mad tea fair Grows bright and fresh, with the rain of tears. And this is why from the faded years I rescue a gem of that by gone time A memory rere, that.witb hallowed care I weave in astring of golden rbjme. MOLLIS, YETO MESSAGE. - Washington, February 20. The following is the message of Pres ident Johnson, vetoing the Freedman's Bureau bill: To the Senate of the United States : I hare examined with care the bill which originated in the Senate and has been passed by both Houses ot Congress, to amend an act entitled an act to estab lish a burean for the relief of freedmen and refugess, and for other purposes. Having with much regret come to the conclusion that it would not be consist ent with the public welfare to give my approval to the measure, I return the bill to the Senate, with my objections to Us becoming a law. I might call to mind, that there is no immediate neces sity for the proposed measure. The act to establish a bureau for the relief of freedmen and refugees, which was ap proved in the month of March last, has not vet expired. It was thought strin gent and extensive enough for the pur pose in view. Before it ceases to have effect, further experience may assist to guide us to wise conclusions as to the policy to be adopted in time of peace. I have, with Congress, the strongest de sire to secure to freedmen the full enjoy ment pf their freedom and their proper ty, and their entire independence and equality in making contracts for their la bor, but the bill before me contains pro- visions which, in my opinion, are not warranted by the Constitution, and are not well suited to accomplish the end in view. The bill proposes to establish.by authority of Congress, military jurisdic tion over all parts of the United States containing refugees and freedmen. It would by its vgry nature apply with more force in those parts of the United States in which the freedmen most abound, and it expressly extends the existing tempo rary jurisdiction of the Fieedmen's Bu reau, with greatly enlarged powers.over those States in which the ordinary course of judi ial proceedings has been inter rupted by the rebellion. The source from which. this military jurisdiction is to eminate is none other than the Presi of the United States, acting tijrpqgh the War Department and the Commissioner of the Freedmen'a Bureau.- The agents to carry out this military jurisdiction are to be ejected either from the army or civil life, The country is to be divided into dis tricts and sub-districts, and the number of salaried agents to be emplcyed may be equal to the number of counties or parishes in all the United States where freedmen and refugees are to be found. The subjects over which this military jurisdiction is to extend, in every part of the United States, include protection to all employees, agents and officers of this bureau in the exercise of the duties im posed upon them by the bill in eleven States. It is further to extend over all cases affecting freedmen and refugees discriminated agents by local tax, custom or prejudfee in these eleven States . The bill subjects any white person, who may be charged with depriving a freed:nan of any civil rights or immunities belong ing to white perenn. to imprisonment or fine, or both, without however defining the civil rights and immunities which are thus to bs secured to Freedmen by military law. .This military jurisdiction also extends to all questions that may arie respecting contracts. The agent who is thus to exercise the office of a Military Judge may be a stranger, en tirely ignorant of the laws of the place, and exposed to errors of Judgment to which all men are liable. The egejer cise of a power over which there is no legal supervision, by so vast a number of agents as is contemplated by the bill, must by the very nature of man be at tended by acts of caprice, injustice and passion. The triails having their ori gin under this bill; are to take place without intervention of a jury and without any fixed rules of law or evi dence. The rules on which offense are to be heard and delermiged by the nu merous agents are such rules and regu lassons, as the President through the War Department shall prescribe. No previous prerentment is required, nor any indictment charging the commit ting of a crime against the law, but the trial must proceed on charges and spe cifications. The punishment will not be as the law declares, but such as a court martial may think proper,and from these arbitrary tribunals there is no peal, no writ of error to any of the Courts in which the , Constitution .cf-ahc-llnitprl States vests exclusively the judicial pow er of the country, while the territory and the clasj of actions and offenses, that are made subject to this measure are so extensive that the bill itself, should it be come a law, will have no limitation 1 in point of time, but will form a part of the permanent legislation of the country. I cannot reconcile a system of military jurisdiction of thi kind, with the words of the Constitution, which declare that no person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime, un less on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, er while in ac tual service in time of war or public dan ger, and that in all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of the State or district where the crime shall have been committed. The safeguards which the wisdom and expe rience of ages taught1 our fathers to establish as securities for the protection of the innocent, the punishment of the guilty, and the equal administration of justice, are to be set aside, and for the sake of a more vigorous interposition in behalf of justice we are to take the risk of the many acts of injustice that would of necessity follow from fan almost count less number of agents, established in ev ery parish of he cpuntry in nearly a third of the states of the . Union,' over whose , deciiion there is to be no su- pervisionary control by the 'Federal courts. The power that would thus be placed in the hands of the president is such as on time of peace the country ought never to entrust to any one man. If it be aked whether the1 creation of such a tribunal within a State is war ranted as a measure of war, the ques tion immediately presents itself whether we are still engaged in war. Let us not unnecessarily district the commerce, the credit and industry of the country by de claring to the American people and the world that the United States are still in a condition of civil war. At present there is no part of our country in which the authority of the United States is dis puted. Offenses that may be committed by individuals should not work a forfeit ure of the rights of the saline communi ty. The country has entered, or is re turning to a state c peace and industry, and rebellion is in fact at an end. The measure, therefqre, seem3 to be as in consistent with the actual conditiou of the country as it is at varience with, the Constitution of the United States. If, in passing from general considera tions, we examine the bill in detail, it is open tp we:ghty objections. In time' of war it was eminently proper that we should provide for those who were pas sing suddenly from a condition of bon dage to a state of freedom, but thi; bill proposes to make the freedraen's bureau, established by the act of 186-5, as one of the many great and extratrdinary mili tary measures to suppress a formidable rebellion, a permanent branch of the ad ministration, with its power greatly en larged. I have no reason to jsuppose,and I do not understand it to be alleged that the act of March, 1S65, has proved de ficient for which tt seas passed, although at that time, and for a considerable pe riod thereafter, the Government of the United Slates remained unacknowledged in most of the States whose inhabitants had been involved in4he rebellion. The institution of silvery, for the military destruction of which the freedmen's bu reau was called into existence as an auxiliary has been already effectually and finally abrogated throughout the whole 'country by an amendnient of the constitution of the United States, and practically its eradication has received the assent and concurrence of most. of those Stated which at any time had ex isted. I am not therefore able to discern how the powers and agencies of the freedmen's bureau which werh effective for the protection of freedmen and refu gees during the actual continuation of hostilities and of African servitude, will now in a time of peace and after the abolition of slavery prove inadequate to he same proper ends. If I am correct in these views there can be no necessi ty for the enlargement of the powers of the bureau for which provision is made in the bill. The third section of the bill authori zes a general and unlimited amount of support to the destitute and suffering refugees and the freedmen and their wives and childrsn. The succeeding sections make provision for the rent or purchase of landed estates for the freed men, nd for the erectioD for their ben efit of suitable buildings for asylums and schools, the expenses to be defrayed from the treasury of the whole people. The Congress of the United States has never heretofore thought itself compe tent to establish any laws beyond the limits of the District of Columbia, except for the benefit of our disabled soldiers. It has never founded schools for' any class of our own people, not even for the orphans of those who have fallen in de fense of the Union, but has left the care of their education to the much more com petent control of States, of communities, of private associations and of individuals It has never deemed itself authorized to expend public money for rent or pur chase of houses for the thousands, not to say millions of the white race, who are honestly toiling from day to day for their subsistence. A system for the support of indignant persons in the United Slates was never contemplated by the authors of the constitution, nor can any good reason be advanced why, as a perma nent establishment, it should me, and for one class or color of our people more than for another. Pending the war many refugees and freedmen received support trom the government, but it was never intended they should henceforth be fed, clothed, educated and sheltered by the United States. The idea on which the slaves were assisted to free dom was that . on becoming free they would be a self -sustaining population,and any legislation that shall imply that they are not expected to attain a self-sustaining condition must have a tendency in jurious alike to their character and their prosperity. The appointment of an agent for every county .and parish will create an immense patronage, and the expen3 of the numerous officers and their clerks to be appointed by the Pres idem, will be great in the beginning, with a tendency steadily to increase. The appropriations asked by the Freed men's Bureau, as now established, for the year 1866, amount to $11, 74-5,000. It may be safely estimated the cost to ba incurred under, the pending bill will re require double that amount, more than the entire sura expended in any one year under the administration of the second Adams. In the presence of agents in every parish and county ii to b8 consid ered a war measure. Opposition cr even resistance might be provoked, so that to give effect to their jurisdiction troops would have to be stationed within reach of every-ons cf them, and th'43 a large standing force be rendered nec essary. Large appropriations would therefore be requirea to sustain and en force rmiluryjuris'Uction in every coun ty and parish from the Pcioraac to the Rio Grande. The condition of our fis cal afinirs is encouraging, bst in order to sustain "the, present measure cf public confidence it is necessary that we prac tice not cwrely cusiomary economy, but as far as possible secure retrenchment. In addition to the objections already sta ted, the fifth secvon of the bill proposes to take away land from its former own ers, without any leg proceedings being first had, contrary to that provision cf the Constitution1 which declares that no person shall be deprived of' life, liberty or property, without due process cf law. It does not appear that the land to which this section refers.rnay not hi owned by miwfs cr) persons of unsound mind, or by those who hz3& been faithful to all their cblbtions as citizens of the Uni ted Stak.s, If any portion of the land is held by such penens, it i3 not compe tent for any authority to deprive them cf it. If, cn the other hand, it be found that the property is liable to confiscation even then it cannot be appropriated to public porposei until by due process of law it shall have been declared forfeited to the GovernmOt. There are still further objections to the bill on grounds seriously affecting the class of persons to whom it is designed to bring relief. It will tend to keep the mind of the freedman in a state of uncertain expec tation and restlessness, while to those among whom he lives it will be a source of constant and vague apprehension. Undoubtedly the freedmen chouli be protected, but thtj should be protected the civil authorities, and especially by the exercise cf all the Constitutional powers of the Courts of the United Slates and of the States. His condition is not so exposed as at first, may be im agined he is in a portion of the country where his labor connot well b8 spared. Competion for his cervices from planters from those who tire constructing in his vicinity, or from other States, will enable hint to command almost his own terms. He also possesses a perfect right to change his placg of abode and if there fore, he does not find in one community or state,- a mode of life suited to his de sires, or proper remuneration for his la bor, he can m ove to another, where la bor is more esteemed, and better rewar ded. In truth, however, each state in duced by its own wants and interest will do what is necessary and proper to retain within its borders all the Jabor that is needed for the development of its re sources. The laws that regulate, sup ply and demand, will maintain their force and the wages of the laborer will be regulated thereby. While there is no danger that the great demand for la bor will not operate in favcr of the la borer, neither is suflicient consideration given to the ability of the Freedmen to protect and take care of themselves. It is co more than justice to them to be Ieive that as they have received their freedom with moderation and forbear ance, so they will distinguish themselves by their industry, and they will soon show the world that in a condition of freedom, they are self sustaining and capable of selecting their own employ ment, and their own places of abode, of insisting for themselves on a proper re muneration, and of establishing and maintaining their own' asylums and schools. It is earnestly hoped that in stead of wasting away, they wiltby their own efforts establish for themselves a condition of respectability, and industry. It is certain they can attain that condi tion only through their own" merits and exertions. In this condition, the query presents iuelf whether the system pro posed by the bill will not when put into complete operation, practically transfer the entire care, support and control of four millions cf emancipated slaves, to rgents, overseers or . taskmasters, who appointed at Washington, are to be locat ed in every county and pariah throughout the United States containing freedmen and refugees. Such a systeta would in evitably tend to such a concentration cf power in the Executive which would en able him if so disposed to control the ac tion of a numerous class, and use them for the attainment cf his own political ends. I cannot but add another very grave objection' to this bill. The Con stitution imperatively declares in connec tion with taxation that each State shall have at least one representative, and fix es the rule for tha members in fature times each Stats thill be entitled. It also provides .that the Senate of the U. S. slall ba composed cf Senators from each State, and adds with peculiar force, that no State without its coqient shall be deprived cf its suffrage ia tLa Senate, The original act was necessarily passed in the absence of the States chiefly to 1$ affected becauia li,eir people were then contumaciously engaged in the rebellion. Now the case .is changed, and soma at least cf the States ate attending Con gress by loyal represematives and solici ting the allowance of the corutifiUoaal right of repre.tenutfon. At the time", however, cf the consideration and pass in? cf the bill there was no Senator cr Representative ia Congress frcrn th? 11 States which are to be cainly affected ' by its provisions. - Ths very faet that reports were and ere made against ,tb.3 good disposition of the country 13 an ad ditional reason why they need and should have representatives of their own ia Congress to explaU their conditisn, es pecially to accusations, and assist by lh?if local knowledge in the perfecting of i measure immediately affecting themsslvs while the liberty of deliberation wotill then be free and Congress would havt full power to.decide according to its judg ment. There colild be no objection urg ed that the States moat interested had not been permitted to be heard. The principle is firmly fixed ia the minds of the American people that there cauli b no. taxation' without representations. Great burdens are now to be borne by all the country, and we may best demand that they shall be borne without a mur mur when they r noted by & majority of the representatives of all the people. I would not interfere with the unques tionable right of Congress to judge each housa for itself cf the : election returns and qualifications cf its own members. But that authority cannot be oonstrusd as including' the right to put out in tins cf peace any State from the representation ts which it i3 entitled by the constitu tion. At present allhe people cf elev en States are excluded those who were most faithful during the war not less than others. The State of Tennessea for instance, whcis .authorities were engag ed in rebellion was restoreJ to all her constitutional relations to the Union by the patriotism and energy of her injur ed and betrayed people before the war was brought to a . termination. Thay had placed themselves in relation with the general government; had established a state government of their own and as they were not included ia tha emancipa tion proclamation, they, by their own act, bars amended their contitutioa so as to abolish slavery within tha limits cf their State. I know of na reason why the State .cf Tennessee, for example, should not fully enjoy her constitutional relations to the United State3. Tha Pres. ident of the United States stands toward tha country ia a somewhat different atti tude from that of any ' member cf Con gress chosen from any single district cr State. Eleven States ara not at this time represented ia either braach cf Con gress. It would seem to be hi3 duty ca all proper occasions to present their just claims to Congress. There always will be differences of cpinioa in the commu nity and individual may be guilty cf violations of th8 law, but these do cot constituta valid objections againat lha right of States to representation. It would in no wise interfere with tha. de cision of Congress with regard to tha qualifications cf members. But I hold it my duty to recommend to you ia the in terests cf peace and interasts'-cf tha Union, the admission cf every Stata t3 its share of public legislation, when, however, insubordinate, insurgent cr re bellious its people may hav8 been, it presents itself in aa attitude cf loyalty and harmony, but ia the persons of rep resentatives whose loyalty cannot ba questioned undar tha existing constitu tional and legal test. It is plain that aa indefinite permanent ' exclusion cf any part of the country from representation must be attended by a spirit cf disquh and complaint. It is unwise and danger ous to pursue a course cf measures which will unite any large section cf country no matter how much tha latter may pre dominate. The course cf immigration development of industry and busine3 and, natural causes will raise up at tha South men as devoted to tha South men as de leted to tha Union as thesa'cf any other part of our land; but if ihey are exdudV ed from Congress, if ia permanent stat ute they ara declared not to ba ia full constitutional relations ta the country, they msy think . they Lave caassO la come a union ia feeling and sentiment against tha Government.' Under tha pa. litical education cf tha American the idea is inherent and; irradicabla thst the consent o; tha rr.ijoriiy cf th? whc'.j