The Commoner
WILLIAM J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR
• #
VOL. 23, NO. 2 ' Lincoln, Nebraska, February, 1923 Whole Number 766
Time for Enforcement
in Earnest
The right of the United States to fix the terms
and conditions upon which foreign ships can
enter our harbors can hardly be disputed, un
less a nation loses its sovereignty when it goes
dry. After a struggle of nearly fifty years the
nation, in obedience to an aroused conscience,
prohibited the manufacture and sale of intoxi
cating liquors as a beverage. This law extended
not only to the lane of the United States but
to American ships. The United States has a
right to protect its homes from the invasion or
alcohol as much as it had the right to exclude
the slave trade and to outlaw piracy. No nation
would have attempted to force slave trade upon
the United States after it was abolished, and
our nation would not have permitted it if the at
tempt had been made. It is hardly likely that
a slave ship sailing under another flag would
have been permitted to come in and out of our
ports with slaves aboard, even though the ship
masters were to agree that the slaves would
not be compelled to work while within the
three mile limit. Neither would pirates have
been permitted to v,cme within or enter our
harbors, however solemnly they might have
promised to refrain from piracy while under
jurisdiction. There is no more reason why we
should be timid about the enforcement c.f our
Constitution and our Jaws on the liquor traffic
against nations that openly use tlieir flags for the
protection of the liquor traffic and for the forc
ing of liquor upon the country.
No nation that will permit its flag to protect
a rum runner lying just outside the three mile
limit and plying its trade in an outlaw busi
ness can be trusted to compel ships entering our
harbors to obey our laws while within our
jurisdiction.
Prohibition is of no value unless it is enforced.
If we are going to enforce prohibition we might
just as well take up the work courageously and
we will do it whenever those in authority shall
resolve that the law is to be enforced, both as
against those who hover about the three mile
limit and those who bring their store of liquor
into our harbors. What reliance can be placed
upon any nation that puts her interest in the
liquor traffic above her respect for the ,1aws of
a friendly nation? Would a foreign ship owner
be allowed to throw up an island at some shal
low spot just outside the three mile limit aud
open a bar there? If not, why allow him to
anchor his ship there and run his bar on a float
ing island? The three mile limit was intended
for the protection of legitimate trade, not for
the protection of criminals. It is worse than
niockery for the authorities to remain inactive
while this open defiance goes on every day just
°ut3ide the three mile limit.
Suppose our nation prohibited the sale and
carrying of fire arms under the American flag.
Would the makers of Europe be permitted to
open up gun shops along our coast and sell to
smugglers? Alcohol is more of a menace than
a pistol or gun in the hands of a sober man.
The latter is not so much of a menace to peace
and order as alcohol that converts a sober man
into a madman.
It is time to quit looking for objections and
begin the enforcement of the law in earnest.
W. J. BRYAN.
Can France Do It?
i
The issue between France and Germany is
not a question of law but a much larger ques
tion. The treaty did not attempt to estimate
the money value of the damage done by Ger
many. What sum of money would equal the
value of the damage done by Germany? What
sum of money would have measured the value
of the ten millions of lives lost, of the three
hundred billions worth of property destroyed,
and of the burden of the new debts added—more
than five times the amount of the debts existing
when the first gun was fired? The treaty only
attempted to estimate the amount Germany
could pay. Some think the sum demanded ex
cessive, but that is not the most important ques
tion. France says Germany has defaulted in
her payments and Germany denies it. Great
Britain refuses to express an opinion. This raises
a question as to the validity of France’s claim,
and the question is accentuated by the fact that
. France, according to Lloyd George, desires to
control if not to annex the territory which sue
has invaded.
But the validity of Prance’s act is not
the most important question. The real ques
tion is whether France is able "to carry out her
program. She does not seem disposed to consult
either the opinion or the interests of the United
States and Great Britain, allies without whose
aid she would have been annihilated. Having
been saved from subjugation, if not rrom de
struction, is she not strong enough to conquer
Germany and control her people; not today, but
permanently? If so, it may be useless for other
nations to advise. She may be strong enough to
succeed to Germany’s place as the exponent of the
doctrine that might makes right. But suppose
she fails, who will save her from the wrath she
is arcusing?
France is gambling, with her life as the
stake. The peace of the world may be too
trifling a matter for her to consider, but she
is jeopardizing her very existence. Lnless she
is able to exterminate the Germans, or to held
them in permanent subjection, she will have to
live by them and have them for neighbors or
for liiAStHT*. Friendship is the only alternative
to force; it would seem better to employ it.
Universal and perpetual peace will come some
day peace resting upon co-operation. France
might hasten it by trying it or she may hasten
it by proving the folly of force.
W. J. BRYAN.
The Campaign of
. 1924
The Republican reverses of last Novembef
leave the Republican nomination to the Presi
dent—no one else canjs to offer himself for
sacrifice. If the Republicans had held their own,
a number of aspirants would be in the field by
this time, but the situation is too dismal to ap
peal to the ambitious.
Among the Democrats the bees are buzzing
—so many of them that it is difficult to distin
guish one above the chorus. It is a good sign
when candidates are numerous. As time goes
on relative availability will be weighed and
sentiment will be crystallized. The new gov
ernors are making their records—these will
soon be ready for examination. • The governor
ship has been a favorite route to the Presidency
—who knows but some governor may be even
now on the way to a place in the sun? While
it is impossible yet to tell wl^^JU§L£apdidates
will be expected to stand for, it is easy enough
to name certain tli'ngs that he must stand
AGAINST.
First: NO WALL STREET CANDIDATE
NEED APPLY FOR THE DEMOCRATIC NOMI
NATION; it would be impossible for the Demo
crats to drive a wedge between the Republican
party and Wall street. The only votes for which
a Democratic candidate can hope will he anti
Wall street votes.
Second: He must also stand against the liquor
traffic. No friend of the bootlegger will be con
sidered. The Democratic party will stand for
law enforcement and law enforcement will be
defined as enforcement of ALL laws, Including
the prohibition law. The failure of the Repub
ministration to deal effectively with the
smugglers who ply their trade under the protec
tion of foreign flags just outside the three mile
limit will present one of the issues of the next
campaign. *
The anti-Wall street plank will bring together
the producing masses of farm and of factory
and the law enforcement plank will invite the
friends of law and order and those devoted to
the public welfare.
Conditions in Europe will determine to what
extent international questions will be an issue,
but no international questions can divert atten
tion from the economic :njustice from which
the masses suffer or lessen the interest of the
public in the upholding of our Constitution and
our law's. W- BRYAN.
R EPl CLIC.A V “PIU>S PE KIT Y“
The Republican papers taik of revived busi
ness. The high prices charged by the middle
men may make seem ng prosperity among them
but nothing can bring, prosperity to the farmers
except the raising of his selling level to his buy
ing level or the lowering of h:s buying level to
his selling level.