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WILLIAM J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR
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VOL. 22, NO. 5
Lincoln, Nebraska, May, 1922
To President Harding.
Premier Lloyd George, who is. the. outstanding
figure at Genoa, is quoted as saying:
"I wish America were here. Some peo
ple think we want the United States for
some selfish purpose. This is not true.
We want America because she exercises a
peculiar authority; her very aloofness
gives her the right to speak. America
could exercise an influence no other coun
try could command. She could come here
free and disentangled, and, with, the pres
tige which comes from her independent po
sition, she would come with the voice of
peace. But America is not here; so Europe
must do her best to solve the problems in
he.r own way. . . .
"Wo triumphed in the war, but our tri
umph will not last forever. If our victory
develops into oppression, vengeance will fol
low, just as Germany's action, which started
the world war, was followed by vengeance.
We must be just and equitable and show
strength; we must realize that Europe is
not on good terms, and that storms are
arising which we must deal with. We had
hoped that the end of the great war meant
the end of brute force, but unless Europe's
prohlems are solved there is no' assurance" "
that force has given way to right."
He is dealing with a very trying situation and
he needs the help of the United States. It would
not hurt us to have a representative there if
ho went empowered to advise only and with the
understanding that our nation is,not bound by
any conclusions reached, except as our people,
acting through Congress and the President, or
at a referendum, may expressly approve. 4
The failure of the United States, to enter the
League of Nations was a national and .interna
tional calamity, the responsibility for which was
divided between the refusal of Republicans to
ratify the Covenant WITHOUT reservations and
the refusal of the Democrats to ratify the treaty
WITH reservations. The Covenant was so much
more important than the reservations that it was
unspeakable folly for either side to subordinate
the idea of international cooperation to" the
minor details about which they differed.
The League permitted any nation to with
draw on two year's notice. If the Treaty had
been accepted WITHOUT reservations our na
tion could have made its stay in the League de
pendent upon such changes as it desired. Like
wise, if our nation had ratifed the Treaty WITH
reservations, the reservations tfould have been
Ranged afterwards. As it is, both sides will
in history the shame of- shirking a solemn
responsibility.
But a mistake in the past should not prevent
wer action, in the present and future. Tt mat-
Z mtlG whether it is called a League of Na-
pendent position, she would come with kho voice
of peace."
What excuse can thi3 nation give before the
final judgment bar for its failure to respond to
such a call of duty at such a time?
The day after the armistice was signed Lloyd
George announced that the treaty of peace
should inaugurate on earth the rule of the
Prince of Peace and President Wilson cabled
his approval of the lofty sentiment. But the
Treaty of Versailles did not inaugurate the reign
of the Prince of Peace. The gaping wounds
and the hot blood, the spirit of revenge and the
remembrance of injuries that had been inflicted
obscured the path to peace. The Allies lost a
golden opportunity to lay the foundation for an
enduring peace in friendship and cooperation.
The Arms Conference took a step towaid dis
armament on sea but it failed to reduce land
armaments, without which world peacp is im
possible. Now the opportunity comes again; the world
is wiser a wisdom that has come partly from
reflection and partly from a clearer understand
ing of the conditions that bar progress in any
other direction, or along any other line.
""'TlTeFVorld has been wearing the devil's yoke
and the devil's burden has become too heavy
to be borne. Christ's yoke is not only easy but
His burden is the only bearable one. The world
needs an anthem in which the world can join
and there is no other than the one that startled
the shepherds at Bethlehem; "On earth peace,
good will toward men."
The world must get back to God and find its
hope of reconstruction in the promise of uni
versal brotherhood.
Mr. President, you arc a Christian and your
sense of responsibility to God must soon compel
you to propose an appeal to the estranged na
tions to forget the past and, with an eye single
to the world's future welfare, begin the work
of friendly cooperation in the upbuilding of
Europe. You made a splendid beginning In call
ing the Arms Conference, but what will its work
avail if Europe is to become again a slaughter
house? And how shall we escape, made -up as
our population is of all the bloods that will be
mingled 'on battlefields, if Europe again beats
her plowshares into swords?
You are a man of prayer, Mr. President you
are the first President to include the Lord's
Prayer in a public address; I beg you to turn
aside a moment from things exclusively national
and ask for guidance in this world crisis. Who
knoweth whether thou art not come to the king
dom for such a time as this?" ,
tlom WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN.
tions
else,
r an Association of Nations or anything
e our nation should use its influence to aid
wheeTmS Wrld PeaC6, Lloyd GeorQ is rIght
fl n e savs: "America could exercise an m-
couhT n ther C0lmtry could command. She
ith m0 here FREB and disentangled, and,
tQe prestige whiou comes from- her inde-
DEMOCRATS:
Arc you selecting your best men for the Sen
ate and House? No wet or Wall Stree man
ppd annly The Democratic party, can not hope
to carry the next congress if it bids for the un
dorwo Idor for the support of Wall Street The
Whole Number 757
Majority Must Rule
A few days' visit to the oast will furnish a
very painful surprise to travellers from tho west
and south. Obedience to the law and deforenco
to public opinion, legally expressed, is supposed
to be a national characteristic in fact, a na
tional boast. Wo, pride ourselves upon our
acquiescence in decisions rendered at the polls,
and the past justifies the pride.
In 187G the people passed through a trying
experience. The Presidential election was very
close so close that it turned on one electoral
vote. Governor Hayes, the Republican candidate,
received ONE majority in the electoral college,
while Governor Tilden, tho Democratic candi
date, received a majority of the popular vote.
The illustration is made more valuable by tho
fact that the electoral majority was determined'
by the decision of an electoral commission made
up of eight Republicans and seven Democrats.
While five Supreme judges, five senators and five
congressmen constituted tho commission, their
decision on every political question was rendered
according to the partisan bias of the member,
whether he bo judge, senator or congressman
It would be difficult to imagine a severer test of
loyalty to law and constitutional government,
but the Democrats stood the test. A majority
of the people in the nation bowed to the will
of a majority of the electors in the electoral
college, even though that majority was deter
mined by the partisan bias of one Republican
who cast the deciding vote in the electoral com
mission. The Republicans have also proved their
willingness to abide by the will of the major
ity. In 1884 the Presidential election turned
upon the vote of New York state and the vote
in New York state turned' on the vote of a few
hundred; and it is not improbable that the un
wise utterance of one man, just before the elec
tion, changed enough votes to give Cleveland his
narrow margin in New York. But his election
was legal and according to the Constitution and
the Republicans -acquiesced in the decision as tho
Democrats had acquiesced eight years before.
Again, in 191C, the Presidential election
turned upon the vote of California and the vote
of California was determined by a very small
majority. While President Wilson had a popu
lar majority of about five hundred thousand that
year, he had a bare majority in the electoral col-"
lege. Again the Republicans acquiesced in the
decision, although momentous issues were at
Btake.
Reference is made to these three instances
to show that the people of the United States,
without regard to party, believe in popular gov
ernment and have the political virtue without
which there can be no popular government,
namely, respect for the will of the people when
expressed in accordance .with the Constitution.
It is surprising, therefore, to find in the east
a very considerable element of the population
which has no respect whatever for a law that
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