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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (Nov. 1, 1920)
o r vbikii no. it - ?. mit a .; v; Commoner V t , ',", - V-'- !, IV if- ; h . M m Thte Commoner issujcd monthly Entered tit tho Pdfttofllco at Lincoln, Nobraslui, as sccond-clasB matter. i i i ' WILLTAfcf J. BHYAN, gHA.RIES W. BRYAN, Editor And Proprietor Associate Ed. and Publisher Edlt,Rm and Business Oflloo, Suite 207 Press Bids. Oae Yr .Sl.frft Six MoHthN. , , , ,-t . .B In Clubs of Five or more p6r year.. .75 Throfe Month, . . ,- .25 SIpkIo Copy .10 Sample Copies Free.- Foreign Post, 2Co. Extra, SUmsciUPTlOJvs can bo sent direct to Tho Com moner. They can also bo sent through newspapers Which have advertised a clubbing rate or thrqujyh local agents, where such agents haVo beon ap? polhted. All remittances ah.ould be cnt by post onlcfi money order, express order, or by bank draft on Now Yorlc or Chicago, Do not send Individual chocks, stamps, or currency. " ItRftiDWAIiS Tho date on your wrapper shows the time to which your subscription la paid Thus January 20 moans that payment has been received to and including: tho issue of January, 2920. OHANGK OF ADJDJftESS Subscribers requesting ft change of address must grlvo old as-well asncw address. " " "' ' " ' A1JVIDUTISING liates will bo furnished' upon a a m ".!:. application. Address all communications to ."' THE COMMONKn, MNOOLK, NEB. STATEMENT OF THE OWNEUSIW, MANAGE MENT, etc.. HEauntEn hy the act of OONGUESS OF AUGUST 24 112 ; of Tho Commoner, pubtinhod monthly at Lincoln, NobravSka, for October 1, 1920. State of Nebraska )nrt County of Lancaster y9' Beforo me. a notary public in and for the state and County aforesaid, personally appeared Chas. W. Bryan. Who, having been duly sworn according to law, deposes and says that ho Is the publisher of Tho Commoner, and that tho following Is, to tho best of his knowledge and belief, a true statement of. the ownership, management, etc., of the aforesaid publication for the date shown in the nbovo caption, required by the Act of August 24, 1912, embodied in section 413, postal laws and regulations, to wit: 1. That tho names and addresses of the pub lisher, editor, associate editor, and business man agers are: ' Publisher: Chr-" W, Bryan Lincoln, Nebraska Editor: "Wininm.TennlngB Bryan. .Lincoln, Nebraska Associate Editor: Chnrles W. Bryan . .Ltncqln, Nebr. Buslnosfl Managers: None. 2. Thnt the owner is: William Jennings Bryan, Lincoln. Nebraska. 3. That to known bondholders, mortgagees, ana other security holders holding 1 per cent or moro of the total amount of bonds, mortgages, or other securities are: None. - ' ' CHAS. W. BRYAN. Publisher. Sworn to and subscribed before me this 23rd day of September, 1920. , ,. ,' . "-? J, R, FARRIS. Notary Putflc. , (My commission expires JtjlyHlV1924.) ' ' ' -, ' . , -r. irr.' " !! !.! !... ,1 ! ,,. ,.. W. IM .. . ,. . ., l. I,. ,, . . ,. , "This too shall pass away'- .s Here's to the "association of hatlons" 'Come quickly and stay fbrever. -may.it lC The debating societies can this winter discuss With profit the familiar question, "Whither are we drifting, and if so, how fari?" possibly the wet delegates who danced: so enthusiastically over their triumph, at San-Francisco may bo able to walk in a normal way now. Governor Edwards, of New Jersey, heralded at San Francisco as the "emancipator" -of the party and erstwhile champion of "personal lib erty somehow failed to make, connection at the polls this year, Can it be that New Jersey does-not really owe to becomo "as wet as. the Atlantic ocean?" wtaoM The American people, finding that the" ship of state could not be steered with safety, be tween "presidential arrogance" and' "the sena torial oligarchy' decided to remove both objec tions to progress, j-jcylla was dynamited this year; Charybdis will be tblown up four years from now. Some of the President's friends resent the idea of resignation as they resented Mr. Bryan's ef forts atf San Francisco to restore the President to the moral leadership of the world. The resig nation plan offers the President a chance to re tire in an honorable way and at the same timei test the depth, of Senator Harding's interest, in an association of nations. " - An Editorial IS IT 1004 OVER AGAIN? v (An- editorial by Mr. Bryan in The Commoner of February, 1919,) The World's bold effort to nominate Mr. Hoover in any old party recalls its activity in 1904. It priced out Mr. Parker as the candidate who couid lead the party to victory. Of course it knew that his financial, backers were in real ity J. Pierpont Morgan, August Belmont and Thomas F. Ryan tubmen who in 1912 were mentioned' by name and specifically excluded from the control of the convention by a resolu tion adopted, by a vote of more than four to one. Tho representatives of the Parker organization made prodigal promises of campaign funds and by means of these promises secured enough dele gates to give their candidate a majority of tho convention, and this majority Was soon swelled to the necessary two-thirds. It is not tho pur pose of this editorial to discuss the "Vjforicl's in timate connection with the Parker boom and its backers but rather to drawa warning from his tory. As soon as tho convention, was over, the. National Committee was organized s on a, pure ly money Imsls. One of the most influential leaders in the party, after spending the day with the committee, wrote me expressing his disgust that money was the only thing talked about; no thought of principles or of the benefits which the people should receive from a Democratic victory just money, money,, money. When, the time came for the campaign con tributions to roll in they did not roll, ,and tho financial burden of the campaign fell upon Au gust Belmont and Thomas F. Ryan, who, it must be admitted, did their be'st to make good the promises made in securing the delegates. They informed the committee that the men from whom they expected to get contributions had refused tp give and an investigation made some years afterwards showed, that Bielmbnt and Ryan had. to bear almost the entire expense of the campaign. TW World may be able to inform its readers about how much these two men con tributed. A few days before the election, Judge Parker learned from a friend that the financiers of Wall Street had met and agreed to, throw their support to President Roosevelt, thepa candidate, for re-election. To say that Judge Parker was astonished is stating the case very mildly. He was astounded to find that men who claimed to be -Democrats and who had no personal, po litical or pecuniary reason for opposing Mr, Parker were going to join in making Mr. Roose velt's majority as large as possible. The rea son, of course, was that Wall Street financiers have no politics; their vote is entirely a matter of money 'as much so as the vote of the man who sells his vote for a few dollars, only their price runs up into big figures and is measured )y the advantage their business is to derive from the control of the government. Judge Parker, unable to suppress his indigna tion, made a speech,, in New York, calling at tention to the support that Wall Street was giv ing Mr. Roosevelt. Iwell remember the sen sation Mr. Parker's speech caused. I was cam paigning in Indiana at the time and met one of our speakers just . after reading the morning tfaper. "Have you read Judge Parker's speech," said he. "Yes," I replied. "He brings a very strong indictment against Mr. Roosevelt." "It x looks like wo are not going to get any Wall Street funds," said the Democratic speakec Not very long afterward, I met another prominent Pemocrat and practically the same dialogue en sued. Judge Parker's speech was pathetic but Democrats accepted it as notice that there had been some unexpected interruption in the flow of money from Wall Street to the Democratic Committee. Mr. Roosevelt at once replied to Judge Parker in very abrupt and offensive language. If Mr. Parker had been in position to challenge Mr. Roosevelt to have his com mittee join the Democratic Committee immedi ately in publishing the contributions received he could havo silenced the Republican candi date, but the Democratic Committee was in no better position than the Republican Committee , to show its books. That Was before "publicity before. the election" law wont into effect. Elec tion dar came; all the so called Democratic papers were supporting the ticket; there was no division in the party; outwardly everything seemed harmonious. All the leaders were sunt porting the ticket, but among the voters there- was the greatest unorganized protest ever known in American politics. Judge Parker's JvotG fell oho jmillion and a quarter below the Democratic vote of 1900 and it was also one million and quarter below the Democratic vote of 1908, and the fall was nation wide no .sec tion escaped the disastrous blight of that year, A little while after the election I met? Senator-Daniels at the homo of Congressman Jones Senator Daniels, it will be remembered, was ono of the leaders of the Parker movement. Sena tor Daniels was idolized by the South and ad mired by the party of the Ration. He. exerted more influence in behalf o'f Judge Parker than any other delegate In tho convention. During the conversation at the table Senator Daniels said to me, "MR. BRYAN, MANY OF THQSB3 WHO TOOK AN ACTIVE PART IN URGING- JUDGE PARKER'S' NOMINATION SHOWED NO. IN TEREST IN HIS CAMPAIGN AFTER THE CON VENTION." That Is the lesson of 1904. Judge Parker's nomination was forced on the Democratic party by those who had no interest in electing him; their only purpose Was to make a Republican victory easy, and thlat lesson ought not to be overlooked at this time when Wall Street is re peating the tactics of 1804. In 1904 Wall Street: succeeded in controlling the Democratic Convention and its candidatewas defeated any Candidate would have been de feaed whom it could nominate. In 1912 Wall Street tried to play the same trick on the party. It was not interested in Mr. Clark; there was not a thing 4n Mr. Clark's record that ould give Wall street any reason for loving him. Wall Street, finding that It could not get its first choice, Mr. Harmon, or its sec ond choice, iftr. Underwood, threw its support to Mr. Clark, not that it had any special interest in seeing him nominated but because it thought it could use him to retire Mr. Wilson, and then take advantage of the demoralized conditions to bring out some Wall Street favorite and use him to overthrow Mr. Clark. Then Wall Street would have proceeded to support the Republican ticket. The situation is the same now asjn 1904 and 1912. Wall Streetlias.no interest' in the Demo cratic party; It has no thought of supporting a Democratic candidate. Its Democratic candi date wasdefeated in. 194 and ls candidate would have been- defeated in 1912, no matter what his name, if Wall Street had been allowed to" pick out the man. And so this year, Wall Street will disgrace the candidate if it nomi nates him and then desert him after it has dis graced him.. W. J...BRYAN. J . THE VICE-PRESIDENCY In view of Senator Harding announcement that Vice-President Coolldge will have a place at the President's council table, The Commoner reproaHces trom the first page of Its first issue, j January 23, 1S01, the following: " ' "It has been intimated that Vice-President-Elect Roosevelt Is desirous of receiving more consideration at the Bands of the President than lias, as a. rule, been glven to those occupying his position. Whether or not the report is true is not material, but the ambition, if he does entertain it, is an entirely worthy one. "Why has the Vice-President been bo general ly ignbred by the Chief Executive in the past? It is said that Mr. Breckenridge was only con sulted once by President Buchanan, and then only in regard to the phraseology of a Thanks giving Proclamation. This incident wa3 related to. a later Vice-President who was noted for his skill at repartee, ,nnd he replied, with a twinkle in his eye: Well, there is one more .Thanks giving Day before my t'erm expires "According to the constitution the Vice President succeeds to the office in case the President dies, resigns," ia removed, or becomes unable to discharge the duties of the office. The public good requires that he should be thoroughly informed as to the details 'of the administration and ready to take up the work of the Executive at a moment's notice. The Vice-President ought to be ex-offlcio a member of the President's cabinet; he ought to sit next to the President in the council chamber. Re ceiving his nomination from y national conven tion and his commission from the people, he is able to furnish tho highest possible !roof that he enjoys public respect and confidence, and the President should avail himself of the wis dom and discretion o such an advisor. While the responsibility for action rests upon the ' IA. k. : . ,i. j; ,'Sii.-jiU fe1M3 .'J jett ttetol rf