The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, June 01, 1920, Page 7, Image 7
iiimmw1' FjtKsyr ?.,- -i. "f June; ffiffi ; y The Commoner s-:ibi TO Harding Wet Harding voted lor submission (and for en forcement),1 but in speaking on submission (see Btatemont in Congressional Record, August 1, 1917) ho said: "The thought I have In mind, Mr. President, is the elimination of this unending prohibition contest in the Halls of Congress. At, the same time, I AM IN SYMPATHY WITH THE OP POSITION TO THE RESOLUTION ABOUT .THE UNFAIRNESS OP ADOPTING A FEDERAL AMENDMENT UNDER THE PROVISIONS OF THE CONSTITUTION ON A QUESTION RELAT ING TO PERSONAL LIBERTY, and if there wore any other method ofvsubmitting an amend ment I should bo very glad to employ it. "I AM NOT A PROHIBITIONIST, MR. PRESI DENT, AND NEVER HAVE PRETENDED TO BE. I do claim to be a temperance man. I do not approach this question from a moral view point, BECAUSE I AM UNABLE TO SEE IT AS A GREAT MORAL QUESTION. I can remem ber very distinctly when I was a boy, duriug the early days of a hardy rural citizenship in Ohio, some of the most moral people the state boasted had a jug of whisky in tho fence corner during the harvest time. I am not saying that I favor that. I only cite it as an instance that it is not always and invariably a moral question. "But I do see the ethical and economic side of it, and when it comes to decision on this point, at a time when we are boasting of our warfare for popular government, I can not be inconsist ent enough to deny tlie settlement of this much mooted question by popular will in the only man ner in which the constitution provides. "I DO THINK IT IS UNWISE, IMPRUDENT AND INCONSIDERATE TO FORCE THE IS SUE AT THIS TIME. I do not question the sin cerity or the high purpose of the prohibition forces, but I do believe, and very sincerely, that it is a great misfortune to the country to divide American citizenship into two hostile camps over this question of personal liberty at a time when we ought to be promoting the concord of citizen ship that, is essential to win the war. But hav ing expressed myself as regretting the pressure brought to settle .this issue now, I must go fur ther and say that since it is insistent and intrud ing, so that we must reach n decision now, I find myself impelled to take the side which I think must in the end contribute to the most good of our common people. "I DO NOT THINK A PROHIBITION AMENDMENT WILL BE EFFECTIVE, Mr. President. .You can not make any law. stronger than the publitf sentiment which sees to its en forcement. I have watchpd the progress of this question frpm the conflict in the hamlet to the t municipality, to. the county, the state, and the nation, and while I stand hero and freely ex press my doubts about its practicability, at tho same time I recojgnize that it is growing and in sistent rtnd persistent and must be settled. "Ever since I have been in public life in a small way t have seen men continually measured by the wet and dry yardstick, and the submis sion of this amonjdment is going to measure every candidate for public offic'o by the same wet and dry yardstick until the final settlement. When I say that, I have expressed my strongest reason for putting a limitation upon the pend ency of the amendment. I want to see this question settled. I want to take it out of the Halls of Congress and refer it to the peo ple who must make the ultimate decision. I want to meet the demand for submission and witness a decision. "So, then, in spite of its untimejiness, in spite of the lack" of prudence in submitting it now, since we have come to this question of prohibi tion as a war measure, and there has been a yielding on the one band against drastic prohi bition in the food bill, I think this submission is a sort of compromise between the contending forces, and lam willing to be counted a com promising agent. All our great movements are the result of just such endeavors. I DO NOT HESITATE TO SAY THAT I APPROACH THE QUESTION FROM A STRONG SENSE OF JUS TICE AND IF THIS AMENDMENT IS SUB MITTED TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES AND RECEIVES THE SANCTION OF THREE-FOURTHS OF THE GENERAL AS SEMBLIES THEN, IF MY TENURE OF OFFICE STILL OBTAINS, I AM WILLING TO GO FUR THER AND, JOIN1 iN A MOVEMENT TO MAKE IT EFFECTIVE THROUGH A PROCESS OF COMPENSATION TO TH1P TiiTCTvWon DESTROYED THIb BUSINESS blinrennrkwh,1? ,n lho" " ' I Wi iJv ffM ,UOn n0" X WllllOd to Off "bin i?bB!ffM U nccomIM" one groat rin. iK ,Vi 0rcos thls Bloat Pub,Jc nidation to We sin C"tnW,U,in l?e pcrlol C ib years iinui it i . thG, luoiUon acutely presented until it ha been finally dlspoaed of within that i 1 hI?,8SrVhniafter wo lmvo disposed of ww .i al! ?.ntl natlonal legislative and itnto ifne! Justed, to much more normal a2 0P..th0 Judgment of tho Senato will bo such that it will agrco to th'n limitation amend ment. I know thoro aro arguments against tho constitutionality of auch a courso, but thoro can bo no argument offered that will question tho validity of tho amendment if it is ndoptod within the time prescribed." PLATFORM PLANKS The National Board of Farm organizations at tho Republican national convention at Chicago, June, 1920, urgod that tho following planks bo embodied in tho Republican platform: "1. We recognize agriculture as tho funda mental industry, and we pledge oursolves to glvo it practical and adoquato representation in tho CABINET and in tho appointment of govern mental officials, and of commissions on a bi-partisan basts. "2. Wo pledge to all farmers tbo full, free and unquestioned right of co-operative market ing of their farm products and purchase of their supplies and protection against discrimination. "3. We pledge effectivo national control over the packers and all other great interstate com binations of capital engaged for profit in tho manufacturing, transportation ( and distribution of food and other farm products, and farm sup plies. "4. We pledge legislation that will effective ly check and reduco the growth and evils of farm tenancy, We pledge tho perpetuation and strengthening of the FEDERAL FARM LOAN SYSTEM tho improvement of facilities for, loans -on farm commodities and tho inauguration of a system for co-operatlvo personal credit that will enable farmers to socure short-time credit on more favorable terms. "5. We pledge comprehensive-studies of farm production costs, at home and abroad, and tho uncensored publication of facts found in such studies. "6. We pledge ourselves to accord agriculture tho same consideration in tariff legislation as .is accorded to other interests. ADDITIONAL PLANKS "1. We pledge ourselves to tho conservation of coal, oil, water power and other . natural re sources in tho public interests, and to their dis tribution without discrimination against farm ers, and especially to put an end. to tho devasta tion of our commercial timber lands. "2. Wo pledge the repeal of laws restricting the rights of free speech, free press, and peace able assemblage, and we pledge the restoration to the people of these fundamental rights. "3. We are opposed to any form of compulsory military training in timo of peace. "4. We pledge our support to graduated in come and excess profit taxes, supplemented by a graduated inheritance tax to furnish the ad ditional revenue needed to meet the cost of the war. t . , "5. Wo pledge our support to stringent immi gration laws and especially oppose tho admission of Oriental labor. "G. We pledge ourselves to maintain that parity between money and commodities which will liquidate our national obligations on the basis of money value at the time incurred." (Editor's Note The above appeal fell on deaf ears.) ' THE HOOVER LETTER Mr. Hoover writes a very sdhsible letter to tho Hoover club of Oregon. It will bo found on another page. He protests against tho extreme position taken by Johnson on ono side and the President on the other, and points out the wis dom of a middle course, namely, ratification with such reservations as have been agreed upon. His Republican partisanship leads him to ignore the fact that 23 Democratic friends of the league voted with 34 Republican friends of tho league to ratify with reservations. He ought not to overlook these . patriotic Democrats; m Prohibition Endorse merit Defeated The Fate of the Dry Plank at the Republican Na:;:; tiorial Convention - Clinton N. Howard, prohibition orator of Rochester, Now York, with credential from tho National Reform association, Tho International Reform Buroau. and tho World Dry Federation, Including, tho Focitrnl Council of Churchc, rep resenting all told moro than 20,000,000 con stituents, camo to tho National Republican con vention to sccuro n platform declaration In sup port of Natlonal prohibition. Ho fllad his cre dentials with tho Coramtttoo on Resolutions, was givou a hearing in support of tho Eighteenth amendment, and its effective onforcomont and presented a suggested plank to tho committee. Tho sub-committee composed of 13 mombor succeeded In Inserting a plank which pledged tho Republican, party to the support of tho constitu tion prohibiting tho Manufacture and salo of In toxicating liquors "as it shall bo Interpreted by the Supremo Court." This plank Mr. Howard sought to lmvo amended by striking out "oh shall bo," but tho entlro plank wad dropped In tho Committee of tho Wholo under tho dictation of Senator Reed Smoot, who told Mr. Howard that tho dry issue would not bo montionod at all, im mediately prior to tho .final session. This infor mation was confirmed by a Inter statement from Sonator Borah who emerged from the commit tee room. -Therp was no w,ny of .getting Information to or from tho commlttoe as tho guard wair in structed to preventnny, Information passing th dopr. Mr, Howard., succeeded in running iho blockade, by dropping into, the lobby of tho Audi torium Hotel where the committee was sitting and sending a telegram to a prominent dry member of the committee deputizing him to rep resent tho dry constituency and framing a rcHO lutlon to offer as a substitute in the event that tho sub-comjnlttco report was turnod clown. This substitute resolution was presented upon tho defeat of tho original report and obtained only three votes in the committee. When thte report was brought out to Mr. Howard ho induced (ho dry member of the committee to sign tho rosolu tlon In tho form of a minority report. The mem ber himself would not agree to present It to the convention. He said ho would glvo his proxy to tho dry governor of his state or any othor prom inent leader who would introduce it and make tho fight. The governor Was scon and declined on tho ground that it might Injure the chances of his candidate before tho convention. Taking a taxi cab, Mr. Howard rushed to the convention hall a mile distant, was passed to the main floor by showing his credentials at the door, and conferred with dry leaders in several state delegations whilo the majority report was being read. He was unable, hawever, to prevail upon any dele gate to present the minority report, though it in no other respect changed the platform finally adopted. The prohibition question was elimi nated entirely. Mr, Howard still retains the signed minority report covering the dry plank which wa? as follows: "Tho Republican party, always the PArty of the constitution, obedience to law and the pro moter of public order, pledges itself to sustain and uphold tfte constitution as amended by the American people In the exercise of their power by the adoption of the 18th Amendment, as con strued and uphold by tho Supremo Court's de cision. We accept the verdict as the fixed policy of the American people and pledge the party if successful in tho election, to a policy of loyalty to law and to enact or continue such legislation as will make effective the 18th Amendment to the constitution." The drya ought to take ex-Governor O'Neal to San Francisco and exhibit him as a warning; The convention could look, upon him fn his crippled condition and get some dies of the fate .of,. a Democratic presidential candidate running ona wine and beer platform 4. it i .& t ' '& m - fi && '& il .! 71 .: 1S .'! .vM 1 7 3, : "7 'VM i. ft: n i?l tg m 'N m M 4 M uJtebfH'4Wto'J -v