i v The Commoner MAT, 1920 r?- 11 An Industrial Constitution (Below will be found an industrial constitution by Hon. Frank P. Walsh. It is just and fair. It treats employer and employee alike; it puts them on exactly the same footing. One more plank providing for an impartial investigation before a strike or lockout and the platform would be perfected. Ed.) The industrial situation is more menacing to the country today than at any time in its history. Unless statesmanlike action is taken, the chads at present existing in localities and individual in dustries will inevitably become nation-wide. The underlying cause of the present unrest is the almost hopeless struggle of the worker to keep pace with the increased cost of living and the efforts of an organized profiteering element to return to the conditions of ."economic serf dom" which were intolerable prior to the war and cast upon communities and charitable organ izations the burden of taking tfare of the families of underpaid workers to an appalling extent. NATION IS THREATENED Last winter the strike of bituminous coaj min ers threatened the very life of the nation. The country was excited to the verge of hysteria. Part of the, press outdid itself in the purveying of misinformation and the publication of downright lies.- The miners and their leaders wore de nounced as enemies of the people and danger ous foes of organized government. A commis sion appointed by the government consisting of three gentlemen of honor and intelligence, one representing the coal mine operators, one the working miners, and the third the general public, found the truth to be that the miners were not receiving a living wage; that, for many months they were forced, with their families, to live be low the level of decent subsistence. The solution of- the critical railroad situation must necessarily be left to the government board just appointed. This is a body created by the Transportation Act of 1920. It is bound by certain fixed standards, which even superficial students of the great industrial problem will recognize as wholly inadequate to meet, the sit uation. Without regard to the personnel of the board, deep as our regret may be, unless the ac cidental or miraculous should intervene, and the results will be unsatisfactory to both . employer and employee. The two industrial conference boards lately called by the president, though having in their membership many well-meaning and highly in telligent men, failed of accomplishment, because they were unable, or unwilling, to propose a definite code of principles, or what might bo called a constitution to govern the field of in dustry. If an industrial code or constitution, based upon justice, was" boldly proclaimed as the policy of our country, either by the president or congress, the great mass of the workers, I be lieve, would hail it with the utmost satisfaction, and back the government in the effort' to settle their disputqs thereunder. If the president or congress would proclaim that the following principles should be man datory upon all boards and government bodies dealing with the adjustment of industrial dis putes, a definite mode of procedure would be se cured, labor would feel that its rights were pro tected, and the employers of the country with few outstanding exceptions which could be read ily recognized as notorious exploiters of labor m the past would gladly accept it as a mighty step toward the realization of the great desidera tum of "maximum production," of. which the world is so sorely in need, and of which our coun try should be the exemplar. INDUSTRIAL CONSTITUTION Wfihts of Employers and Employes The right of workers to organize in trade unions and to bargain collectively through their cnosen representatives is recognized and af rmed. This right should not be denied, nuged or interfered with by employers in any manner whatsoever. The right of employers to organize in associa te?8 ,op groups and' to bargain collectively trough chosen representatives is rocognized Rua affirmed. This right shall not be denied, LOOKING FOR ONE THAT WON'T HURT tttft . AAr 1 - i a. HJs J. H tf "WW St. Louis Globe-Democrat. abridged, or interfered with by the workers in any manner whatsoever. Employers shall not discharge workers for membership In trade unions, not for legitimate union activities. The workers, in the exercise of their right to organize, shall not use coercive measures of any kind to induce persons to join their organiza tions, nor to induce employers to bargain or deal therewith. Women in Industry Women on work ordinarily performed by men must be allowed equal pay for equal work and must not be allotted tasks disproportionate to their strength. Wages 1. The right of all workers, including com mon laborers to a living wage is hereby declared. 2. Fixing wages, minimum rates of pay shall be established which will insure the subsistence of the worker and his family in health and rea sonable comfort. 3 Differentials above basic living wages shall be established and maintained for skilled crafts men and salaried workers, based upon the fol lowing: m . .. (a) Quantity and value of production. (b) Education and training required for oc cupation. . (c) Hazards of employment, (b) Increases in cost of living. Continuous Productipn All wage schedules should be construed so as to secure continuity of production for the em ployer and uninterrupted employment for the worker. .nfa nf fiie workers' companies J5 wlfch gowt ml H Jand finally indus- fyrllW organize and W r'unjsfaistribution of the product of in du try, as expressed In wages and salaries. fc) Excessive hours of labor. claimed by the : pr esident in n whlch of April 8, 1918, as one or . should n.b;jd ho indorsement of em the war, and it J ' enerai public. A few ployers, employeewd the gene P hy PSbSSSS coal commission as the hasis of its award. ident declared I September. 1916. tto P in d that organized society w majority mand for an eishhjw W already at of workers d skilled tra labor op. tained it by tr r J upon It as a mat ganizatlonm the country entatiT0 em- tor of right. ,Tnotu?,," "untry arprove and ac Ployers fBtoMM and cept it. The 1 IgeB production can be academic, Insist that J n b longer period uponthauX studies in the shops of countless industries. Tho eight-hour day wa npprovod by tho international labor conference, which grow out of tho labor provisions of the league of nations. Tho body of tho prjnclploo contained In the constitution heroin proposed wore solemnly pro claimed by tho prosldont during tho war as neces sary to maintain maximum production. These principles wcro acccptod by representative em ployers and workers overywhoro, and roccived the Indorsement of tho proas of tho country, from ultra-conservativo to pro-radical, with practical unanimity. Since that time they have boon formally ap proved as having their baso in sound morality, by groat church organizations of tho country, In cluding tho Federation of tho Protectant Church of Amorlcn, and tho National Catholic war coun cil, Bpcaklng through a committee of bishops of tho hierarchy of Amorlcn. Our constitution Is strong enough to withstand oven far grantor shocks than It has yot rcoolvcd, and clastic enough to moot any condition which may arise. But courngo and statesmanship is the call of tho hour. MR. BRYAN AGAIN There aro indications that Hon. W. J. Bryatf, who has all along been tho grontest and most influential leader of tho Democratic party, Is about to come to tho foro again and become) tho Democratic nominee for tho presidency In the approaching campaign. Mr. Bryan has been three times defeated, and ho may bo defeated again; but nevertheless tho country owes to blra more than it owes to any other man In America. No other American during tho past twonty-flvo years has had more to do with tho shaping of all that has been best In American policy and achievement. Most of tho good that was ac complished by Wm. McKlnloy was duo to Mr. Bryan moro than it was to Mr. McKlnley, &u4 the samo Is truo of all that has boon worth, while in the career of Mr. Roosevelt. Mr.. Bryatt is a great thinker, a groat patriot and a. greafc Christian. Also he Is a real Democrat Thbre is no question of tho fact that ho was responsible for the nominat'on of Mr. Wilson, and very largely responsible for Mr. Wilson's election'. And if Mr. Wilson had not parted company with Mr. Bryan, the probability is that Mr. Wilson! administration would have been more of a suc cess than It has been. As to whether Mr. Bryan can now be elected, of course Is doubtful. The Democratic party Is not in as gooa shapo as It was, and tho Ropublicans have a pretty strong claim on tho presidency this year, a stronger claim than they have had for quite a while. But whether Mr. Bryan shall be elected or .not, tho country stands to gain by another candidacy, as it has gained by all of his previous candidacies, Yorkvlllo, S. C, Enquirer. TO TUB SENATE . vn Ver- 4 (On the Exchange of the Peace Treaty at sallies, January 10th, 1920.) I took from my window the flag today The flag of the bleeding heart And folded it up and laid it away, " While my Country stands apart I have laid It away in the black steel box, With his cross and record won, While the wily spollman cooly blocks The road he died upon. 4 "t Ho had volunteered, and died, to save, In the Summer of Seventeen; J But they have dug him out of his battle grave, Fof the ghoul of war is lean. And I think I see the Gold Star eyes, And tho eyes of friendly States, Gaze with wonder, distress surprise, As my Country hestltates. We painfully left the flag In the sun Till the treaties were exchanged; That day has come, Peace has begun Yot, my Country stands estranged. So we have laid it away with his childhood locks (The blue star turned to gold) With the other.things In the black steel box For the ghoul of war is old. (Written by Fred W. Bentley, Chicago, 111,, whos'e son, Paul Cody Bentley, fell In action Sept. 13, 1917.) 3 M y 'hf i m -y ' If ,? '"' i f '' r h & . . 'V4 i4. i r't "P1 t V , v' ' ' 'm 'A , 4 I ' ,v f -! iSs . JCto j , a lrf!hfti-ii J2i ar . .