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The Common
Guarantees
of Peace
Tho President has won a signal Victory in
securing the acceptance of the League of Nations
Idea That is the one thing upon which his heart
Is sot and his' presence 'at the conference and the
nonul'ar receptions accorded him In Great Britain,
Vance and Italy have powerfully contributed to
ward the accomplishment of this result.
The principle for which he contends, having
been adopted' with great enthusiasm, it ought
not to ho difficult to agree upon the details.
While we await the complete plan for a League
of Nations we may profitably consider means that
may bo employed to reduce the probability of a
recourse to arms. I ask consideration fox the
"four propositions," two of which were empha-
eized by the President before the signing of the
armistice...
SECRET TREATIES
1. The abolition of secret treaties. No one
acquainted with European politics during the
last hundred years will doubt that secret treaties
have done much to provoke war. They have
operated to encourage the doing of things that
cause war, and they, have, by giving offense to
nations not Included, aroused the resentments
that inflame passion and increase enmities.
Christ's Indictment, "Men loved darkness
rather than light because their deeds were evil,"
Is true in world politics as well as In private
affairs. Tho things that are pledged In secret
' treaties are .the things that could not be prom
ise! openly and, therefore, publicity would
prevent thom and. thus remove a fruitful source
o! international conflict. The secret treaties made
by tho participants in. the war ju3t ended are
even now making, more difficult the problems,
which confront the peace commissioners.
. ARMAMENT QUESTION
2. Tho reduction of armaments, though not
a new doctrine, has been lifted Into a proposition
of the first, magnitude by the attention which
tho President has called to it. It is soIniportaht
that it will be difficult to convince the.worjd that
the treaty-to be- concluded -at Versailles will "bo
an enduring one unless it makes, provision for a
substantial reduction in ot restriction upon
armaments.
The demand for a reduction of armaments
goes to the very root of the trouble and implies
a revolution in the world's thought. Heretofore
preparations. for war have been -defended on the
ground that such preparations insured peace.
Tho dotrine has, of course, been conihattetl.'
Men like" John Bright pointed out more than
half a century ago that rivalry in Armaments
would, as a natural result, cause war instead of
preventing it, but the advocates of the opposite
theory, ably supported by those interested In the
manufacture, of war equipment, have been, able
to control the action Of their governments.. In
each nation reduction has, been opposed on the
ground that it would not the safe to reduce, or
even to stop .increasing, while other nations con
tinued their preparation, ,and amy movement,
looking to joint action, has met with Innumerable
and insurmountable objections.
But experience has taught the world a costly
lesson, and everywhere the cry fo.r relief is heard..
War debts so far surpass anything ever believed
to be possible that the nations from sheer neces--slty
will be driven to consider anything that
promises reduction of taxation.
It is not, however, an. easy doctrine to apply.
1. Because nations differ In exposure to at
tack, natural barriers giving greater protection
to some nations than to others.
2. A difference of opinion, as to the relative
uanger of armies on land and battleships on the
sea, each nation being likely to consider tho
iorm of defense upon which It relies as less
uangerous to the world than other forms of
uerense which it does not deem necessary. Tho
worlds confidence in the future will be largely
?5nate t0 tne success which shall crown
ino efforts of the advocate of a reduction of all
ariDamentB. When the 'armaments are reduced
an" a limit fixed to their increase, no nation can
prepare for war without giving notice of its hos
nl taction, and this, of course, will prevent
Qny considerable preparation for war.
THIRTY TREATIES-
3 There is one guarantee of peaces which seems
quite sure to be incorporated In the treaty its
popularity being due in part to eonfidence in its
emcacy and partly, to the, -fact tjiat the adoption
pf;it does not roqulro any concession on tho part
of the nations which will gather at tho peace
conference. I refer to the principle embodied In
the thirty treaties iiito which tho United States
has entered with nations representing three
quarters of tho population or tho world. Thoso
treaties, negotiated within thirty months after
the 4th of March, 1913, establish a now prin
ciple. Thoy are not arbitration treaties becauso
tho findings of tho tribunals provided for are
not binding upon tho nations participating. '
The arbitration treaties negotiated by our own
and other nations contain four exceptions ques
tions of honor, independence, vital interest and
tho interest of the third party. Theso questions by
tho terms of the treaty, are not to bo submitted
to arbitration, and yet these are the very ques
tions out of which wars grow. Tho thirty treaties
above referred to cover all controversies of ovory
kind and character, leaving nothing that can be
come a cause of war until after a period of In
vestigation, which, first, glvo3 time for passions
to subside; second, for questions of fact to bo
separated from questions of honor, and, third,
for the peace forces of the world to operate,
In nearly all of these treaties tho time allowed
is one year. It is believed that theso treaties will
make war almost impossible between tho con
tracting nations.
Wars are usually begun when the nations
are excited, and man is not himself when excited.
When a man is angry ho boasts of what he can
do, and he usually overestimates his strength;
when he is calm; he considers what ho ought to
do and conscience asserts Itself. Time for "cool
ing off" is, therefore, in itself a substantial
guaranty of peace.
Then, too, time is necessary to an understand
ing of the real issues. Wh6n passion is aroused,
the vision is blurred and all questions are likely
to be regarded as questions of honor; investiga
tion sifts the issues and separates the thing that
can be abitrated from the things supposed to be
Vital to the. life., of the natibh. Time is also neces
sary for the' mobilizing of the jeace sentiment
of the world. 0
Nations have had machinery for war but not
for peace. They could go to war in a day, but,
until the nations joined in the treaties providing
for the investigation of all disputes, they wero
helpless when diplomacy failed.
The President' in his recent speech at tho Sor
bonne, France, referred to the princlple-ombodiod
in these treaties, and the dispatches report that
his remarks were understood as suggesting the
adoption of tho principle embodied in tho thirty
treaties above referred to. As Great Britain,
France and Italy wore among tho nations which
entered into these treaties with us, it will be
easy for them to favor the incorporation of tho
principle in the Versailles convention. It is not
too much to say that such action wrfuld go- far
toward insuring world peace.
REFERENDUM ON WAR
But I ventur to suggest another guarantee
Which has not yet been a subject of discussion,
namely, a referendum on war. The principle of
democracy is spreading, and nothing Is moro
democratic than the referendum. Democracy
means tho rule of the people, and tho tendency
of the world's thought is toward more and moro
popular methods of government. The referendum
rests upon tho theory that the people not only
have a right to govern, but that they have tho
intelligence necessary to govern wisely.
The more Important the subject the more Im
portant it is that tho citizen's voice shall be
heard. We recognize this in requiring a popular .
vote on constitutional amendments, and moro
recently in providing for referendum on muni
cipal franchises. If this be trie, upon what
questions has the citizen a stronger claim to voto
than upon questions Involving his life and tho
question of war taxes. Surely those who must
shed their blood in defense of the position taken
bv the government can claim a direct voice In
deciding -what position tho government shall
take; those who are to pay the taxes and leave
war burdens as a legacy to their children ought
to have a right to vote directly on propositions
that Involve tho imposition of such burdens.
If objection is madeto the referendum on tbo
ground that woman's suffrage Is spreading
throughout the world, I answer that woman's
Sago adds still greater weight to the argu
ments in favor of the -referendum, for history
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shows that tho larger part of the burdens Of war
raila upon woman. It is her on whose life t$
required, or her husbaad xx bar brother. F0 the
man, war may moan death, but lo tho aether .;;. 4.
it moans tho loss of ono upon whom she hM a 1 '
right to rely; to the wife it moan that he rai , t1
bo both fathor and mother to tbo children
If it is objected tlya time will be required to
tako a referendum It Is sufficient answer (o y
that in the war just ended the man eligible to?
with hardly an exception, upon only a few day- -noMc.
Ten millions offered themsolVAS in a sfagfc
day with no summons except Uiat which reaohod
thom through the newspapers. No nation, of.
courso, would be requlrod to str.nd dofeimlww
if attacked, but a referendum can ba roaairtt4
before any nation is permitted to raako an attack
upon another nation. If all tha treaty nalfou
agree that war shall not bogtn without a refer
endum, thero wilt bo no nation to make th
attack.
It Is likely that tho referendum will be favored
most by tho nations whose governments aremott
democratic, but there is no reason why provfaloft
should not bo made for it oven in monarchies,
because the, governments of monarchies are be
coming moro and moro popular in character.
Our constitution takes tho power to declare war
from the executive and vests it in the congress.
It will bo still moro democratic to vest that
power in tho people.
Many other meant taf Insuring peace? will be
suggested, but I venturtfto submit that the adop
tion of the four above mentioned would enable
the world to rest in the confidence that we bars
seen tbo last world war. Would not this be the
groateot victory that could come out of tho world
war through 'Which wo have passed?
But tho spirit of tbo treaty will bo moro im
portant than any specific guaranty, Upon whet
theory will tho treaty b"e framed? Is it to"e
tho old spirit which builds upon force 'ami '
threats? Which-philosophy will it indorse, ih
philosophy of Nietzsche or tho philosophy of. the
Nazareno?
LLOYD GEORGE'S NOBLE SENTIMENT
Lioya ueorge, tno groat armoii i'Jieraior, ,
struck a. high noto when, on November 12, , the
day after the signing of the armistice, h(5 said;
"What are the principles on which that settle
ment la to be offectod? Aro wo to lapm baok
into tho old national rivalries, anlmositfo and , i;
competitive armaments, or are wo to initiate the
reign on oarth of the Prince of Poaco? It Is the
duty of liberalism to use Its Influence to insure
that it shall bo a reign of peace.
"What aro conditions of peace? Thoy must
lead to a settlement which will be fundamentally
just. Ztfo settlement that contravenes the prln
ciples of eternal justice will be a permanent one.
The peace of 1871 imposed by Germany .on
France outraged all the principles, of justice aaX
fair play. Let us be warned by that example.
"We must not allow any sens of 'revenge, my
spirit of greed, any grasping desire to override
the fundamental principles of righteousness
Vigorous attempt will be raado to hector ami
bully tho government in an endeavor to make it
depart from tho strict. principles of right and to
satisfy some base, sordid, squalid ideas of ve,
geanco and of avarlcq. We must relentlessly set
our faces against that."
A noble sentiment; bravo words. Strength to
his arm as long as he fights for such a peace.
It is encouraging to read that President Wf loh
was so Impressed by the speech above quoted that
he cabled as follows: , . f,
. "May I express my sincere admiratioa. of the "": '
admirable temper and purpose of your addre . , '
of the twelfth,' just reproduced in part in out' '; . i
papers? It is delightful to bo made aware of (V' s
such community of thought and counsel in apT 'JAr ;
proaching the high and difficult task now await- , -3 '.A .
lng us." . V'i'
If the Prosidont and the British Premier wi:-'-': '.Hi I
out and write' a treaty that will "initiate the .Liii&f f
.ftlrm -tvt AfiWIi nf thf Pffno nt Poain it twill . TWS-1
tioned will fit into suoh a treata. and strengthen W."
W, J. BRYAtf,. I .'
Written for New York American.
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The lgen6ral publie seoms to be rather ooiliWi'U.f
used over the nhraso "freedom of li . ; ftt? .
fused over tho nhrase "freedom of flia.
of the depths and was handed ever fco the allied i
admirals they cave a fairly odd lllumtrutlnh 'it-m
one way in which Jt-caa be apeorapllshed, ":";1
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