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The Commoner
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VOI. 19, NO.
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!bns will bo rojoctod by t,ho common scmflo of
the country, which is practical enough to deal
-With each quostion upon its merits.
Tho nationalization of telephones, also rocom
mendod by Poatmastor-Gonoral Burloson, is a
much largor question. The long-distance tele
phono linos are In tho same class with telegraph
lines and should ho owned and operated by tho
fodoral government for tho samo reasons.
Not only is tho long-distanco telephone line
quito identical with tho telegraph lino in the
servico rondorod, but it is already being usod as
a substitute for tho telegraph lino over short
distances, so that it is likely to interfero serl-
ously with tolograph business and to prevent any
furthor oxtonsion of tho telegraph system into
Hinallor communities.
Bu' for tho increasing amount of capital that
is being invested in tho long-distanco telephone
service thoro would bo but little opposition to
tho proposition to nationalize them. But tho
pocuniary opposition, considerable as it will bo,
crfnnot overcomo tho conclusive arguments ad
vanced in favor of tho ownership and operation
of tho long-distanco tolephono lines by the
fodoral government.
But why should the fodoral government oper
ate tho local tolophono exchanges? They con
stitute by far tho largor part of tho tolophono
system Only a small percentage of the calls
uso long-distance. If tlioro is any virtue in the
theory of popular government, then tho people
can best attond to" tho business nearest them;
tho business which most concerns them.
Tho citizen is much moro interested in the
successful operation of tho telephone system in
his own city than ho is. in telephonos outside,
and much moro Intorostod than any outsider can
bo in tho perfecting of tho local system. Why
should it bo nocossary for a citizen to appeal
to Washington to remedy inefllclency in his own
municipality? Tho Washington official is not
only too far away to. bo readily, sympathetic, but
ho has so many calls that he cannot give prompt
attention to each ono that a local official can.
A clear line can be drawn between ownership
by a municipality and ownership that is directed
from Washington. Tho local telophono system
is as much a monopoly as a .7ator plant. Any
attempt at competition in the matter of local
telephones is not only expensive to tho com
munity, but an annoyance. It comes under the
head of a natural monopoly and should bo owned
by tho government. If we must eventually come
to tho government ownership of telephone ex
changes, why not now? Why return them to
privato hands and then begin a fight to secure
public ownership?
Our federal government has been a success
because it was built upon a plan tho only plan
yot dovisod which permits indefinite 'expansion
without loss of efficiency a dual plan under
which the federal government attends to national
mattors, and tho stato government to matters
which are local. Why not apply tho same prin
ciple to the telephone monopoly, and lot tho
federal government operate ttie long-distance
lines, leaving tho local oxchanges tc be operated
by local governmental units, to bo defined by
Htato legislation?
Tho federal government might temporarily
look after tho local exchanges until the states
themselves provide for ownership and operation
by local units. As nearly all the states havo
legislative sessions this winter, it is possible to
put tho dual plan Into operation beforo tho ad
journment of congress.
If it is urged, as an objection to gdvernment
oporation of tho telephone system, that the em
ployes may bo used for political purposes, it
may bo answered, first, that experience shows
that government officials cannot bo used in poli
tics to the samo extent that privato corporations
.havo used their employes. Second, that the uso
of political employes may bo reduced to a
minimum by a wisely constructed civil service
system.
I say "wisely constructed" because the civil
servico Byotem, as we now h .ve it, is not the
last word on the Bubject. Two serious objections
may bo mado'to it; first, that it is theoretically
. non-partisan, and second, that it tends to destroy
tho employe's interest in politics an interest
which is not only legitimate but accessary to
pur Institutions."
Experience shows that tho, dominant party is
not only ablo to turn tho non-partisan rules to
Its advantage, but of fen, extends the. system over
Employes selected by partisan! rule, and- Jt is not
t all unusual to find civil service employes who
Ovo refrained from voting for many years for
United States Dry
000 waTr,
9
NATIONAL PROHIBITION AMEND
MENT RATIFIED
Just as Tho Commoner goes to press
news is received that the necessary two
thirds vote for tho ratification .of tho
national prohibition constitutional amend-
ment has been secured.
Thirtv.six states havo ratified and a
number of other states will bo added to
tho Roll of Honor during tho next few
days.
THE ROLL OP HONOR
J--MISSISSIPPI, Jan. 8, 1918.
2 VIRGINIA, Jan. 11, 1918.
3 KENTUCKY, Jan. 14, 1918.
4 SOUTH CAROLINA, Jan. 25, 1918.
5NORTH DAKOTA, Jan. 25, 1918.
6 MARYLAND, Fob. 13, 19.18
7 MONTANA, Feb. 19, 1918.
8 TEXAS, March 4, 1918.
9 DELAWARE, March 18, 1918.
10SOUTII DAKOTA, March 20, 1918.
11 MASSACHUSETTS, April -2, 1918.
"12 ARIZONA, May 24, 1918.
13 GEORGIA, Juno 26, 1918.
14 LOUISIANA, August 8, 1918.
- 15 FLORIDA, November 27, 1918.
16 MICHIGAN, January 2, 1919.
17 OHIO, January 7, 1919.
. 18 OKLAHOMA, January 7, .1919,
19 IDAHO, January 7, 1919.
20 TENNESSEE, January 8, 1919.
21 MAINE, January 8, 1919.
22 WEST VIRGINIA, January 9, ,1919.
23 WASHINGTON, January 13, 1919.
24 CALIFORNIA, January 13, 1919.,
26 ILLINOIS, January 3,4,-1919. u
26 ARKANSAS, January 1,4, 1919
27 INDIANA, January 14, 1919.
28 NORTHGAROLINA, Jan. 14, 1919.
29 KANSAS, January 14, 1919.
30 ALABAMA, January 14, 1919.
31 IOWA, January 15, 1919.
32 COLORADO, January 15, 1919.
33 OREGON, January 15, 1919.
34 NEW HAMPSHIRE, Jan. 15, 1919.
35 UTAH, January 15, 1919.
36 NEBRASKA, Jaunary 16, 1-919.
oj
fear they might vote on the losing side and thus
jeopardize their positions. ' v
If we had a civil service system which re
tained, or even made more efficient, competitive
examinations, and yot, after having secured effi
ciency by examinations, permitted a distribution
of the offices in proportion to party strength, the
system would be built upon a more substantial
and enduring basis.
There is no objection to examinations, how
ever rigid they may be, for nj person. can havo
a just claim to a public office unless he can show
himself entirely qualified for its duties, but after
the qualifications of applicants have been tested
by examinations the appointments should , be
made from tho party having less than its quota.
In this way applicants, instead of tryinc to
conceal their politics, would not only announce
their political affiliations but have them certified
to by tho proper party authorities, and then
after appointment, would be free to exercise a
citizen's interest in the questions affecting the
public we fare. Such a system could be applied
to appointees in nation, state and city, the an
portionment in each case being based upon the
relative vote in that unit. P thQ
But whether under a revised system of civil
service or under the present system So objec
tions raised to government ownership are not
so Berious as those that can be made against
tho owners of private monopolies. Government
ownership of both telegraph lines iuid w?
systems is coming, and noV is a wo We to
adjust ourselves to this extension .
mental activity. The dual pmn X sULPT11"
considerationwith the SnflSnJe ZVltteZ
tho requirements of the situation. ets
(Copyright, 1918, by Star Cotafan'
'. 'AN UNFAIR TEST
Tf fa 11 nf fnfr in -flirt-a rnvavn i. .
by tho brief test that has been made during th
Ul.
T4- Vi Ttjm irfarf iinrfai n11i..K..i
after the railroad service had broken down fiiZ
daily and physically. And, still worse, tho w
has been made by railroad officials who III
themselves opposed to government ownership
and anxious for a return to private ownershin
If the system is to have a fair trial tho test
should be made under the direction of those whn
believe in government ownership and want tha
test to be sucessful. W. J. BRYAN.
. THE Rl6 STATES, TOO
The- wete Have been worrying for fear ratifica
tion would be forced upon the country by the
little states. They must be greatly relieved to
find big states Hko Ohio, Texas, Virginia
Georgia,- Tennessee, Michigan, Massachusetts'
Oklahoma and Illinois ratifying the national
prohibition amendment.
The Commoner contains fewer pages this Issue
owing to a request made by the War Industries
Board to reduca the consumption of print paper
25 per cent. The emergency having passed and
the restriction on amount of paper being re
called, future issues of Tho Commoner will con
tain the same amount of reading matter as
formerly.
The National Bulletin
The fifteenth planlc in The Commoner's con
structive prqgram presents a very new but im
portant reform. The democratic party's GREAT
EST need is NEWSPAPERS. li is greatly handi
capped by the fact that the republican party is
much better supplied with the means of reach
ing the public. Tills is necessarily so because
the predatory interests need champions and they
have many ways of repaying support- given. Not
only do tho republican papers far outnumber
the democratic papers in the contested states,
but tho so-called independent papers can usually
be relied upon to throw their influence on the
side of the special interests just before the
election.
There is only one hope of relief and that lies
in a government publication, furnished at NOT
MORE than cost to, all who desire to subscribe
for it it could well be f urnislied at a nominal
price only enough to indicate an interest on
the part of the subscriber. For what better pur
pose can we spend government money than to
inform voters upon subjects upon which they
must pass judgment?.
The proposed bulletin should contain editorials
as well as news matter, the space to be divided
between the parties and party factions in propor
tion to voting strength in congress. That will
give all elements represented in congress an
opportunity- to lay their case before the voters.
It would be necessary to give representation to
FACTIONS as well as to party units. Otherwise
the minority party might be shut out. For in
stance, if Mr. Penrose spoke for the majority
of the republican party it would only be fair to
allow the progressive republicans space accord
ing to their voting strength in congress. Tho
democratic party even might some day be so
divided as to require a partitioning of the editor
ial space.
A national bulletin published on the plan pro
posed would do more .to enlighten the voters on
public issues than anything than anything else
that has been proposed, and vho can object to
light? Only those "who lovo darkness rather
than light because their deeds are evil."
The Bulletin which has been published during
the war might easily -be converted into such a
paper as is needed it need only add congres
sional news - (in time of peace not so much
space will bo needed for administrative news)
and editorial matter written by editors selected
by thq parties or factions for which they speaK.
Such a paper would not iiterfere with any
.legitimate publication it would not contam
general news but would be, as its name would
indicate, an official bulletin, the editorial com
ment presenting the best arguments for ana
against governmental" "ration on proposed
measures, thus giving the 'vdter a chanco io
decide, intelligently. I earnestly urge this as a
much needed reform -- tho gateway to other re
forms. , ""' :. " W. J. BRYAN.
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