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The Commoner
NOVEMBER, 1918
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IMPERIALISM
r Being the speech of HON WILLIAM JEN
NLYGS 1JKYAW in response to the committee
appointed to notify Iiim of his nomination to the
Presidency of the United States, Delivered at In
dianapolis, August 8th, 1900.3
Mr. Chairman and Members of the Notification
Committee:
I shall, at an early day, in a more formal man
ner accept the nomination which you tender, and
I shall at that time discuss the various "questions
covered by the Democratic platform. It may not
be out of place, however, to submit a few obser
vations at this time upon the general character
of the contest before us and upon the question
which is declared to be of paramount import
ance in this campaign.
When I say that the contest of 1J00 is a con
test between Democracy on the one hand and
plutocracy on the other I do not mean to say
that all our opponents have deliberately chosen
to give to organized wealth a predominating in
fluence in the affairs of the Government, but I
do assert that on the important issues of the
day the Republican party is dominated by those
influences which constancy tend to substitute
the worship of mammon for the protection of
the rights of man.
In 185 Q Lincoln said that the Republican
party believed in the man and the dollar, but
that in case of conflict it believed in the man
before the dollar. This is the proper relation
which should exist between the two. Man, the
handiwork of God, comes first; money, the
handiwork of man, is of inferior importance.
Man is the master, money the servant, but upon
all important questions today Republican legisla
tion tends to make money the master and man
the servant.
The maxim of Jefferson, "equal rights to all
and special privileges to none," and the doc
trine of Lincoln that this should be a -government
"of the people, by the people and for the
people," are being disregarded and the instru
mentalities of government, are being used to
advance the interests of those who are in a po-
sition to secure favors from'the Government.
Xo War on Thrift.
The Democratic party is not making war upon
the honest acquisition of wealth; it has no de
sire to discourage industry, economy and thrift.
On the contrary, it gives to every citizen the
greatest possible stimulus to honest toil when
it promises him protection in the enjoyment of
the proceeds of his lsbor. Property rights are
most secure when human rights are most re
spected. Democracy strives for civilization in
which every member of society will share ac
cording to his merits.
No one has a right to expect from society
more than a fair compensation for the services
which he renders to society. If he secures more
it Is at the expense "of some one else. It is. no
injustice to him to prevent his doing injustice
to another. To him who would, either through
class legislation or in the absence of necessary
legislation, trespass upon the rights of another
the Democratic party says, "Thou slialt not."
Against us are arrayed a comparatively small
hut politically and financially powerful number
who really profit by Republican policies ; but
with them are associated a large number who,
because of their attachment to their party name,
are giving their support to doctrines antagonistic
to the former teachings of their own party.
Republican Inconsistencies.
Republicans who used to advocate bimetallism
now try to convince themselves that the gold
standard is good; Republicans who were form
erly attached to the greenback are now seeking
an excuse for giving national banks control of
jne nation's paper money; Republicans who used
w boast that the Republican party was paying
oit the national debt are now looking for rea
sons to support a perpetual and increasing debt;
republicans who formerly abhorred a trust now
oeguiie themselves with the delusion that there
SI? i tvu8ta and bad trusts, while, in their
"nus, the line between the two is becoming
wore and more obscure; Republicans who, in
3 past- congratulated the country upon the
Si epense 'our standing army, are now
2 Inf "snt of the .objections which are urged
t4w L Iarge increase in the permanent mili
ary establishment; Republicans who gloried In
"ur independence when the nation was less pow-
tnoi. nSW look with favor uPn a foreign alli
"", Republicans who three years ago con
demned "forcible annexation" as immoral and
even criminal are now sure that it is both im
moral and criminal to oppose forcible annexa
tion. That partisanship has already blinded
many to present dangers is certain; how large a
portion of the Republican party can be drawn
over to the new policies remains to be seen.
For a time Republican leaders were Inclined
2L.?,en t0 PP0Iienta the right to criticise the
Philippine policy of the administration, but upon
investigation they found that both Lincoln and
Clay asserted and exercised the right to criticise
a President during the progress of the Mexican
war.
Instead of meeting the issue boldly and sub
mitting a clear and positive plan for dealing
with the Philippine question, the Republican
convention adopted a platform the larger part of
which was devoted to boasting and self-congratulation.
Evasive Republican Policy.
In attempting to press economic questions
upon the country to the exclusion of those which
involve the very structure of our government,
the Republican leaders give new evidence of
theh abandonment of the earlier ideals of the
party and of thqir complete subserviency to pe
cuniary considerations.
But they shall not? be permitted to evade the
stupendous and far-reaching issue which they
have deliberately brought into the arena of poli
tics. When the president, supported by a prac
tically unanimous vote of the House and Senate,
entered upon a war with Spain for the purpose
of aiding the struggling patriots of Cuba, the
country, without regard to party, applauded.
Although the Democrats realized that the
administration Would necessarily gain a political
advantage from the conduct of a war which in
the very nature of the case must soon end in a
complete victory, they vied with the Republicans
in the supporfwhich they gave to the President.
When the war was over and the. Republican
leaders .began to suggest the propriety of a
colonial policy opposition at once manifested
Itself.
When the President finally laid before the Sen
ate a treaty which recognized the independence
of Cuha, but provided for the cession of the
Philippine Islands to the United States, the men
ace of imperialism became so apparent that
many preferred to reject the treaty and risk the
ills that might follow rather than take the
chance of correcting the errors of the treaty by
the independent action of this country.
Vliy the Treaty Was Ratified.
I was among the number of those who be
lieved it better to ratify the .treaty and end the
war, release the volunteers, remove the excuse
for war expenditures and then give the Filipinos
the independence which might be forced from
Spain by a new treaty.,
In view of the criticism which my action
aroused in some quarters, I talte this occasion to
restate the reasons given ajt'fhat time. I thought
it safer to trust the American people to give in
dependence to the Filipinos than to trust the ac
complishment of that purpose to diplomacy with
an unfriendly nation.
Lincoln embodied an argument In the question
when he asked, "Can aliens make treaties easier
than friends can make laws?" I believe that we
are now in a better position to wage a success
ful contest against imperialism than we would
have been had the treaty been rejected. With
the treaty ratified a clean-cut issue is presented
between a government by consent and a govern
' ment by force, and imperialists must bear the re
sponsibility for all that happens until the
qufition is settled. .
If the treaty had been rejected the opponents
of imperialism would have been held responsible
for any international complications which
might have arisen before the ratification of an
other treaty. But whatever difference of opinion
may have existed as to the best method of op
posing a colonial policy, there never was any
difference as to the great importance of the ques
tion and there is no difference now as to the
course to be pursued.
How War Might Have Been Averted.
The title of Spain being extinguished we were
at liberty to deal with the Filipinos according to
American principles. The Bacon resolution, In-n-oduced
a month before hostilities broke out at
ManTla? promised Independence to the Filipinos
on te same terms that it was promised to the
Cubans. I supported this resolution and believe
that Its adoption prior to tho breaking out of
hostilities would have prevented bloodshed, and
that its adoption .at any subsequent tlmo would
have ended hostilities.
If the treaty had been rejected considerable
time would have necessarily clnpscd before a
new treaty could have boon agreed upon and
ratified, and during that time the question would
have been agitating tho public mind. If tho
Bacon resolution had been adopted by the Sen
ate and carried out by tho President, either at .
the time of tho ratification of the treaty or at
any iimo afterwards, it would have taken tho
question of imperialism out of politics and loft
the American people free to deal with their do
mestic problems. But tho resolution wan de
feated, by the vote or tho Republican Vice-President,
and from that time to this a Republican
Congress has refused to take any action what-
ever In tho matter.
When hostilities broke out at Manila Republi
can speakers and Republican editors at onco
sought to lay tho blame upon those who had
delayed the ratification of the treaty, and, dur
ing the progress of the war, tho same Republi
cans have accused the opponents of imperialism
of giving encouragement to the Filipinos. Tills
is a cowardly evasion of responsibility.
If it Is right for the United States to hold tho
Philippine Islands permanently and Imitate Eu
ropean empires in tho govornment of colonies,
the Republican party ought to state Its position,
and defend it, but it must expect the subject
races to protest against such a policy and to re
sist to the extent of their ability.
Tho United States a Moral Force.
The Filipinos do not need any encouragement
frooi Americans now living. Our whole history
has been an encouragement, not only to the Fili
pinos, but to all who arc denied a voice hi their
own government. If the Republicans arc pre
pared to censure all who have used language cal
culated to make the Filipinos ha to foreign dom
ination, let them condemn tho speech of Patrick
Henry. When he uttered that passionate appeal,
,'Give me liberty or give mo death," he cxprcscd
a sentiment which, still echoes in the hearts of
men.
Let them censure Jefferson; of all the states
men of history nono have used words ho offensivo
t those who would hold their fellows in political
bondage. Let them censure Washington, who de
clared Hint the colonists must choose between
liberty and slavery. Of, if the statute of limita
tions has run against the sins of Henry and Jef
ferson and Washington, let them censure Lin
coln, whose Gettysburg speech will be. quoted In
defense of popular government when the present
advocates of force and conquest arc forgotten.
Some one has said that a truth onco spoken
can never be recalled. It goes on and on, and no
one can set a limit to its ever-widening influence.
But if it were possible to obliterate every word
written or spoken in defense of the principles
set forth in the Declaration of Independence, a
war of conquest would still leave its legacy of
perpetual hatred, for it was God himself who
placed in every human heart the love of lib
erty. He never made a race of people so low
in the scale of civilization or intelligence that
it would welcome a foreign master.
Effect of Imperial Issue at Home.
Those who would have this nation enter upon
a career of empire must consider nof only the
effect of imperialism on the Filipinos, but they
must also calculate its effects upon our own na
tion. We cannot repudiate the principle of self
government in the Philippines without weaken
ing that principle here.
Lincoln said that the safety of this nation was
not in its fleets, Its armies, its forts, but in the
spirit which prizes liberty as the heritage of all
men, in all lands, everywhere, and he warned
his countrymen that they could not destroy this,
spirit without planting the seeds of despotism at
their own doors.
Even now ve arc beginning to see the par-
alyzing influence of imperialism. Heretofore,
this nation has been prompt to express its sym-J
pathy with those who are fighting for civil lib-i
erty. While our sphere of activity has been
limited to the Western Hemisphere, our sympa-
thies have not been bounded by the seas. We,
have felt it due to ourselves and to the world, as
well as to those who were struggling for thq
right to govern themselves, to proclaim the in-s
terest which our people have, from the date or
their own Independence, felt In every contest be
tween human rights and arbitrary power.
.Threc-qnnrters of a centnry ago, when our na
tion wa? small, the straggles of Greece aroused
onr people, and Webster and Clay gave eloquent
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