The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, November 01, 1918, Page 10, Image 10
!'WfW" K fff The Commoner 10 "fy yipr' TTwyr Inhering man and to tfio vu.st majority of those engaged In other occupations It would ?rlng ex penditure without return and rink without re ward. Farmers and laboring men have, as a rule, small Incomes and under systems which place J,ho tax upon consumption pay much more than their fair sharo of tho expenses of government. Thus tho vory people who rocelvo least benefit from Imperialism will bo Injured most by tho military burdens which accompany it. In addition to tho evils which he and tho. formor sharo in common, tho laboring man will bo tho first to suffer if orlontal subjects seek work in the United States; the first to suffer if American capital leaves our shores to employ oriental labor in tho Philippines to supply tho tradq of China and Japan; tho first to suffer from tho vlolcnoo which the military spirit arouses and tho first to suffer when tho methods of imperialism arc applied to our own govern ment. It is not strange, therefore, that tho labor or ganizations havo boon quick to note the approach of theso dangors and prompt to protest against both militaiism and imperialism. Tho pecuniary argument, though more effec tive with certain classos, Is not likely to bo used so often or presented with so much enthusiasm as tho religious argument. If what has been tormod ' tho "gun-powder gospel" wore urged against tho Filipinos only it would bo a sufficient answor to say that a majority of tho Filipinos aro now mombors of one branch of tho Christian church; but tho principle Involved Is one of much wider application and challenges serious consideration. Tho Religious' Argument. Tho religious argument varies in posltlveness from a passive belief that Providence delivered tho Filipinos Into our hands for their good and our glory to tho exultation of the minister who said that wo ought to "thrash tho natives (Fili pinos) until thoy understand who wo aro", and that "ovory bullot sont, every cannon shot and every tlag waved moans righteousness." We cannot approve of this doctrine In one place unless we are willing to apply It every where If there Is poison In the blood of the hand It will ultimately reach tho heart. It is equally true that forcible Christianity, if planted undor tho Amorlcan flag In tho far-away Orient, will sooner or lator bo transplanted upon Ameri can soil. If truo Christianity consists In carrying out In our dally lives tho teachings of Christ, who will say that wo aro commanded to civilize with dynamite and proaelyto with tho sword? Ho who would declare tho dlvluc will must provo his authority either by Holy Writ or by evi dence of a special dispensation. Imperialism ilnds no warrant in the Uible. rXho command "Go yo into all the world and ttVOr..f. ni ,v.c,vi M cvo"" TOturo" has no Catling gun attachment. Wlicn ,Tcsus visited a VLLti.g,. .... ..n...i.i i i.vi die people refused to re ceive Hiin, some of tho disciples suggested that flvo should be called down from Heaven to avenge tho insult; but tho Muster rebuked them and said: "Ye know not what manner of spirit yo aro of; for tho Son of Man is not come to destroy men's lives, but to save them." Sup pose ho had said: "We will thrash them until thoy understand who we are," how different would havo been tho history of Christianity! Compare, if you will, tho swaggering, bullying', brutal doctrine of imperialism with the golden rule and tho commandment 44Thou slialt love thy nolghbor as thyself." Love, not force, was tho weapon of tho Na xnrcne; sacrillco for others, not tho exploitation of them, was His method of reaching the human heart. A missionary recently told mo that tho Stars and Stripes once saved his life because his assailant recognized our Hag as a flag that had no blood upon it. Lot it ho known that our missionaries aro seeking souls instead of sovereignty; let it bo known that Instead of boing tho advanco guard of conquering armies, thoy are going forth to help and uplift, having their loins girt about with truth and their feet shod with tho prepara tion of tho gospel of peace, wearing the breast plate of righteousness and carrying the sword of the spirit; let it bo known that they are citi zens of a nation which rospects the rights of tho citizens of other nations as carefully as it pro tects tho rights of its own citizens, and tho wel come given to our missionaries will bo more cor dial than tho welcome extended to tho mission aries of any other nation. Tho argument made by some that it was un fortunate for tho nation that It had anything to do with the Philippine Islands, but that the naval victory at Manila made the permanent acquisition of those islands necessary, is also unsound. Wer won a naval victory at Santiago, but that did not compel us to hold Cuba. The shedding of American blood in the Philip pine Islands does not make it imperative that we should retain possession forever; American blood was shed at San Juan Hill and El Caney, and yet the President lias promised the Cubans Independence. Tho fact that the American flag floats over Manila does not compel us to exer cise perpetual sovereignty over the island; the American flag waves over Havana today, but the President has promised to haul it down when the flag of the Cuban Republic is ready to rise In its place. Better a thousand times that our flag in tho Orient give way to a flag represent ing the idea of self-government than that the flag or this 'Republic should become the flag of an empire. Tho Solution of tho Problem. There Is an easy, honest, honorable solution of tho Philippine question. It is set forth in the Democratic platform and it is submitted with confidence to the American people. This plan I unreservedly indorse. If elected, I will convene Congress in extraordinary session as soon as in auguratcd and recommend an immediate declara tion of tho nation's purpose, first to establish a stable form of government in the Philippine Islands, Just as wo arc now establishing n stable form of government in Cuba; second, to give in dependence to tho Cubans; third, to protect tho Filipinos from outside interference while they work out their destiny, just as we havo protected the republics of Central and South America, and an;, by the Monroe doctrine, pledged to protect Cuba. A European protectorate often results in the plundering of the ward by the guardian. An American protectorate gives to the nation pro tected tho advantage of our strength, without making it the victim of our greed. For three quarters of a century the Monroe doctrine has been a shield to neighboring republics and yet it has Imposed no pecuniary burden, upon us. After tho Filipinos had aided us in the war against Spain, we could not honorably turn them over to their former masters; we could not leave them to be the victims of the ambitious designs of European nations, and since wo do not de slro to make them a part of us or to hold them as subjects, wo propose the only alternative, namely, to give them Independence and guard them against molestation from without. When our opponents are unable to defend thoir position by argument they fall back upon the assertion that it is destiny, and insist that we must submit to it, no matter how much it violates our moral precepts and our principles of government. This is a complacent philosophy. It obliterates the distinction between right and wrong and makes individuals and nations the helpless victims of circumstance. The Plea of "Destiny." Dcstinv is the subterfuge of the invertebrate, who, lacking tho courage to oppose error, seeks some plausible excuse for supporting it. Wash ington said that the destiny of the republican form of government was deeply, if not finally staked qn.the experiment entrusted to the Ameri can people How different Washington's defini tion of destiny from the Republican definition' Tho Republicans say that this nation is in tho hands of destiny; Washington believed that not only the destiny of our own nation but the des tiny of the republican form of government throughout tho world was intrusted to American hands. Tmmeasurcable responsibility! The des tiny of this Republic is in the hands of its own people, and upon the success of the experiment hero rests the hope of humanity. No exterior orro can disturb this Republic, and no forcgn influence should bo permitted to chance il course. What tho future has in score for thK na on no one has authority to declare, but each individual has his own idea of tho nation's mil aion. and he owes it to ids country as well as to himself to contribute as best lie n av to o fi Ailment of that mission, y t'tho ful" Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Commit tee: I can never fully discharge the debt of gi a tudo which I owe to my countrymen f of the honors which they havo so generously AwlS" upon mo; but sirs, whether it be my lot to oP cupy the high office for which the convention has named me, or to spend the remainder of Z days in private life, it shall be my con o y bition and my controlling purooBQ t? !f,ai?" realizing tho high ideals of those Vhnnld .ln dom and courage and sacrifices brought thi8" public into existence. "'ougut this Re- "I can conceive of a national destiny surpass- ing the glories of tho present and tho . destiny, which meets tho rcSponsibilitlel n1 and measures up to tlie possibilities of J. ajr ture. Behold a republic, resting sccmiil k' the foundation stones Quarried Uv ,...,. uPn patriots from tho mountain of cterim It!1 renublic atmlviner in nvnr.t.lnn .i , . UUI a tho world tho sclf-evidont imuV"ai ?,n8 to men are created eoiml: thnt tu, ..- .l H renublic nimlyinc in nracttm. nn.i .,.,. "a k .mm;i' :,".Y i"waiinr mw vul iv ino cun-uviuuiit proposition men lira vraiwu cquat; mat they are pii,i. with inalienable richts: that ,rvJ..lcn ,0 instituted among men to secure these vlehu m. that governments deriv6 their just powers f? tho consent of the governed. Behold a rL 2 in which civil and religious liberty sUmffi S to earnest endeavor and in which the law !J strains every hand uplifted for a neighbor's 2" jury a republic in which every citizen is .;!' oreign, but in which no one cares to mU, crown. Behold a republic standing erect uhlh empires all around are bowed beneath the welch! of their own armaments a republic whose ffo is loved while other flags are only feared $ hold a republic increasing in population in wealth, in strength and, in influence, solvinc'the problems of civilization and hastening the com ing of an universal brotherhood a republic which shakes thrones and dissolves aristocra. cies by its silent example and gives light and inspiration to those who sit in darkness. He. hold a republic gradually but surely becoming a supreme moral factor in the world's progress and the accepted arbiter of the world's disputes a republic whose history, like tho path of tho just, 4is as the shining light that shinelh moro and more unto the perfect day.' " INCOME TAXATION The following table is published by the Alexander Hamilton Institute of New York and purports to give the amount to be collected on given incomes under our new tax bill: 0 Amount of Income Tax Income United States Great Britain $2,500 $30 ' $210 3,000 - 60 356 3,500 , 90 453 4,000 v 120 581 4,500 150 675 5,000 ' ' " - '1'30: - 750 '' GfOOO'" " ". r26 10 1(125 7,000 " ' 400 ' 1,312 8,000 '545 ' 1,800 9,000 " 695. r 2,025 10,000 845 2,250 12,500 1,320 . , 3,281 15,000 1,795 4,812 20,000 ' 2,895 6,812 25,000 4,245 ' 8,937 50,000 12,495 20,937 100,000 39,095 47,187 1,000,000 647,095 519,687 In addition to taxes on incomes, some of our largest producers of revenue during the past year' were the taxes on liquors, $444,000,000; tobacco, $156,000,000; transportation, $65,000, 000; inheritances, $47,000,000; theater admis sions, $26,000,000; autqmobiles, $24,000,000; jewelry, musical instruments, etc., $13,000,000; telegrams, insurance, etc., $13, 000, 000; and club dues, $2,300,000. (Notice how much greater is the income tax on small and moderate incomes in Great Bri tain.) Following is a table giving tho estimated wealth of the large nations. Estimated national wealth Great Britain $ 90,000,000,000 France . . ... . . s. . . 65,000,000,000 Russia . 40,000,000,000 Italy , 25,000,000,000 Japan 28,000,000,000 Germany 80,000,000,000 Austria-Hungary 25,000,000,000 United States. . . 250,000,000,000 PUSH WORLD PROHIBITION' The International Prohibition confederation which was organized in London in 1909 has entered upon a new program for world prohibi tion. This organization has onlisted the support of prominent representatives in forty-one coun tries and has been doing quiet work during the last nine years creating sentiment. It is an nounced that a representative will shortly visit Central and South America, and Dr. Charles Scanlon, one of the officers- of tho organization. will soon go to Europe to prosecute tho worK there. The confederation proposes co-operation of all organizations at home and abroad. The Continent. u iS .?' i jia. yJr -.WjA tf& Jf