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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (Nov. 1, 1918)
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Inhering man and to tfio vu.st majority of those
engaged In other occupations It would ?rlng ex
penditure without return and rink without re
ward. Farmers and laboring men have, as a rule,
small Incomes and under systems which place
J,ho tax upon consumption pay much more than
their fair sharo of tho expenses of government.
Thus tho vory people who rocelvo least benefit
from Imperialism will bo Injured most by tho
military burdens which accompany it.
In addition to tho evils which he and tho.
formor sharo in common, tho laboring man will
bo tho first to suffer if orlontal subjects seek
work in the United States; the first to suffer if
American capital leaves our shores to employ
oriental labor in tho Philippines to supply tho
tradq of China and Japan; tho first to suffer
from tho vlolcnoo which the military spirit
arouses and tho first to suffer when tho methods
of imperialism arc applied to our own govern
ment. It is not strange, therefore, that tho labor or
ganizations havo boon quick to note the approach
of theso dangors and prompt to protest against
both militaiism and imperialism.
Tho pecuniary argument, though more effec
tive with certain classos, Is not likely to bo used
so often or presented with so much enthusiasm
as tho religious argument. If what has been
tormod ' tho "gun-powder gospel" wore urged
against tho Filipinos only it would bo a sufficient
answor to say that a majority of tho Filipinos
aro now mombors of one branch of tho Christian
church; but tho principle Involved Is one of
much wider application and challenges serious
Tho Religious' Argument.
Tho religious argument varies in posltlveness
from a passive belief that Providence delivered
tho Filipinos Into our hands for their good and
our glory to tho exultation of the minister who
said that wo ought to "thrash tho natives (Fili
pinos) until thoy understand who wo aro", and
that "ovory bullot sont, every cannon shot and
every tlag waved moans righteousness."
We cannot approve of this doctrine In one
place unless we are willing to apply It every
where If there Is poison In the blood of the
hand It will ultimately reach tho heart. It is
equally true that forcible Christianity, if planted
undor tho Amorlcan flag In tho far-away Orient,
will sooner or lator bo transplanted upon Ameri
If truo Christianity consists In carrying out
In our dally lives tho teachings of Christ, who
will say that wo aro commanded to civilize with
dynamite and proaelyto with tho sword? Ho
who would declare tho dlvluc will must provo
his authority either by Holy Writ or by evi
dence of a special dispensation.
Imperialism ilnds no warrant in the Uible.
rXho command "Go yo into all the world and
ttVOr..f. ni ,v.c,vi M cvo"" TOturo" has no
Catling gun attachment. Wlicn ,Tcsus visited a
VLLti.g,. .... ..n...i.i i i.vi die people refused to re
ceive Hiin, some of tho disciples suggested that
flvo should be called down from Heaven to
avenge tho insult; but tho Muster rebuked them
and said: "Ye know not what manner of spirit
yo aro of; for tho Son of Man is not come to
destroy men's lives, but to save them." Sup
pose ho had said: "We will thrash them until
thoy understand who we are," how different
would havo been tho history of Christianity!
Compare, if you will, tho swaggering, bullying',
brutal doctrine of imperialism with the golden
rule and tho commandment 44Thou slialt love thy
nolghbor as thyself."
Love, not force, was tho weapon of tho Na
xnrcne; sacrillco for others, not tho exploitation
of them, was His method of reaching the human
heart. A missionary recently told mo that tho
Stars and Stripes once saved his life because his
assailant recognized our Hag as a flag that had
no blood upon it.
Lot it ho known that our missionaries aro
seeking souls instead of sovereignty; let it bo
known that Instead of boing tho advanco guard
of conquering armies, thoy are going forth to
help and uplift, having their loins girt about
with truth and their feet shod with tho prepara
tion of tho gospel of peace, wearing the breast
plate of righteousness and carrying the sword
of the spirit; let it bo known that they are citi
zens of a nation which rospects the rights of tho
citizens of other nations as carefully as it pro
tects tho rights of its own citizens, and tho wel
come given to our missionaries will bo more cor
dial than tho welcome extended to tho mission
aries of any other nation.
Tho argument made by some that it was un
fortunate for tho nation that It had anything
to do with the Philippine Islands, but that the
naval victory at Manila made the permanent
acquisition of those islands necessary, is also
unsound. Wer won a naval victory at Santiago,
but that did not compel us to hold Cuba.
The shedding of American blood in the Philip
pine Islands does not make it imperative that
we should retain possession forever; American
blood was shed at San Juan Hill and El Caney,
and yet the President lias promised the Cubans
Independence. Tho fact that the American flag
floats over Manila does not compel us to exer
cise perpetual sovereignty over the island; the
American flag waves over Havana today, but the
President has promised to haul it down when
the flag of the Cuban Republic is ready to rise
In its place. Better a thousand times that our
flag in tho Orient give way to a flag represent
ing the idea of self-government than that the
flag or this 'Republic should become the flag
of an empire.
Tho Solution of tho Problem.
There Is an easy, honest, honorable solution
of tho Philippine question. It is set forth in the
Democratic platform and it is submitted with
confidence to the American people. This plan I
unreservedly indorse. If elected, I will convene
Congress in extraordinary session as soon as in
auguratcd and recommend an immediate declara
tion of tho nation's purpose, first to establish a
stable form of government in the Philippine
Islands, Just as wo arc now establishing n stable
form of government in Cuba; second, to give in
dependence to tho Cubans; third, to protect tho
Filipinos from outside interference while they
work out their destiny, just as we havo protected
the republics of Central and South America, and
an;, by the Monroe doctrine, pledged to protect
A European protectorate often results in the
plundering of the ward by the guardian. An
American protectorate gives to the nation pro
tected tho advantage of our strength, without
making it the victim of our greed. For three
quarters of a century the Monroe doctrine has
been a shield to neighboring republics and yet
it has Imposed no pecuniary burden, upon us.
After tho Filipinos had aided us in the war
against Spain, we could not honorably turn them
over to their former masters; we could not leave
them to be the victims of the ambitious designs
of European nations, and since wo do not de
slro to make them a part of us or to hold them
as subjects, wo propose the only alternative,
namely, to give them Independence and guard
them against molestation from without.
When our opponents are unable to defend
thoir position by argument they fall back upon
the assertion that it is destiny, and insist that
we must submit to it, no matter how much it
violates our moral precepts and our principles
of government. This is a complacent philosophy.
It obliterates the distinction between right and
wrong and makes individuals and nations the
helpless victims of circumstance.
The Plea of "Destiny."
Dcstinv is the subterfuge of the invertebrate,
who, lacking tho courage to oppose error, seeks
some plausible excuse for supporting it. Wash
ington said that the destiny of the republican
form of government was deeply, if not finally
staked qn.the experiment entrusted to the Ameri
can people How different Washington's defini
tion of destiny from the Republican definition'
Tho Republicans say that this nation is in tho
hands of destiny; Washington believed that not
only the destiny of our own nation but the des
tiny of the republican form of government
throughout tho world was intrusted to American
hands. Tmmeasurcable responsibility! The des
tiny of this Republic is in the hands of its own
people, and upon the success of the experiment
hero rests the hope of humanity. No exterior
orro can disturb this Republic, and no forcgn
influence should bo permitted to chance il
course. What tho future has in score for thK
na on no one has authority to declare, but each
individual has his own idea of tho nation's mil
aion. and he owes it to ids country as well as to
himself to contribute as best lie n av to o fi
Ailment of that mission, y t'tho ful"
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Commit
tee: I can never fully discharge the debt of gi a
tudo which I owe to my countrymen f of the
honors which they havo so generously AwlS"
upon mo; but sirs, whether it be my lot to oP
cupy the high office for which the convention
has named me, or to spend the remainder of Z
days in private life, it shall be my con o y
bition and my controlling purooBQ t? !f,ai?"
realizing tho high ideals of those Vhnnld .ln
dom and courage and sacrifices brought thi8"
public into existence. "'ougut this Re-
"I can conceive of a national destiny surpass-
ing the glories of tho present and tho .
destiny, which meets tho rcSponsibilitlel n1
and measures up to tlie possibilities of J. ajr
ture. Behold a republic, resting sccmiil k'
the foundation stones Quarried Uv ,...,. uPn
patriots from tho mountain of cterim It!1
renublic atmlviner in nvnr.t.lnn .i , . UUI a
tho world tho sclf-evidont imuV"ai ?,n8 to
men are created eoiml: thnt tu, ..- .l H
renublic nimlyinc in nracttm. nn.i .,.,. "a
k .mm;i' :,".Y i"waiinr
mw vul iv ino cun-uviuuiit proposition
men lira vraiwu cquat; mat they are pii,i.
with inalienable richts: that ,rvJ..lcn ,0
instituted among men to secure these vlehu m.
that governments deriv6 their just powers f?
tho consent of the governed. Behold a rL 2
in which civil and religious liberty sUmffi S
to earnest endeavor and in which the law !J
strains every hand uplifted for a neighbor's 2"
jury a republic in which every citizen is .;!'
oreign, but in which no one cares to mU,
crown. Behold a republic standing erect uhlh
empires all around are bowed beneath the welch!
of their own armaments a republic whose ffo
is loved while other flags are only feared $
hold a republic increasing in population in
wealth, in strength and, in influence, solvinc'the
problems of civilization and hastening the com
ing of an universal brotherhood a republic
which shakes thrones and dissolves aristocra.
cies by its silent example and gives light and
inspiration to those who sit in darkness. He.
hold a republic gradually but surely becoming
a supreme moral factor in the world's progress
and the accepted arbiter of the world's disputes
a republic whose history, like tho path of tho
just, 4is as the shining light that shinelh moro
and more unto the perfect day.' "
The following table is published by the
Alexander Hamilton Institute of New York and
purports to give the amount to be collected on
given incomes under our new tax bill:
Amount of Income Tax
Income United States Great Britain
$2,500 $30 ' $210
3,000 - 60 356
3,500 , 90 453
4,000 v 120 581
4,500 150 675
5,000 ' ' " - '1'30: - 750
'' GfOOO'" " ". r26 10 1(125
7,000 " ' 400 ' 1,312
8,000 '545 ' 1,800
9,000 " 695. r 2,025
10,000 845 2,250
12,500 1,320 . , 3,281
15,000 1,795 4,812
20,000 ' 2,895 6,812
25,000 4,245 ' 8,937
50,000 12,495 20,937
100,000 39,095 47,187
1,000,000 647,095 519,687
In addition to taxes on incomes, some of our
largest producers of revenue during the past
year' were the taxes on liquors, $444,000,000;
tobacco, $156,000,000; transportation, $65,000,
000; inheritances, $47,000,000; theater admis
sions, $26,000,000; autqmobiles, $24,000,000;
jewelry, musical instruments, etc., $13,000,000;
telegrams, insurance, etc., $13, 000, 000; and club
(Notice how much greater is the income tax
on small and moderate incomes in Great Bri
tain.) Following is a table giving tho estimated
wealth of the large nations. Estimated
Great Britain $ 90,000,000,000
France . . ... . . s. . . 65,000,000,000
Russia . 40,000,000,000
Italy , 25,000,000,000
United States. . . 250,000,000,000
PUSH WORLD PROHIBITION'
The International Prohibition confederation
which was organized in London in 1909 has
entered upon a new program for world prohibi
tion. This organization has onlisted the support
of prominent representatives in forty-one coun
tries and has been doing quiet work during the
last nine years creating sentiment. It is an
nounced that a representative will shortly visit
Central and South America, and Dr. Charles
Scanlon, one of the officers- of tho organization.
will soon go to Europe to prosecute tho worK
there. The confederation proposes co-operation
of all organizations at home and abroad. The
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