fvmpr"$ .-,,.,. - i'A .-,.-., ' '. r - vohm The Commoner 10 Two Reasons ..Extracts from AddroBS of Mr. Bryan at a mass mooting in Auhuvlllo, N. 0., December 14, law "There aro two arguments In favor of the Thrift Campaign in tho interests of War-Savings Cprtlflcatoa. "Tho by-products of this var ar6 already nu merous and important. Among them thrco are especially worthy of consideration In this con nection. "First, tho lmmodiato offoct of the war has b'opn to rovyal moro clearly than boforo tho evil of1 alcoholic jilquors. In such a crisis as that through whlpli wo aro passing tho nation neods 100 por cont mon, and intoxicating liquor impairs tho economic valuo of tho citizen as a producer, and tho military valuo of tho soldier at the bat tjo front, Tho lessons loarnod from tho war are Increasing tho prohibition sentiment in this coun try and qlsowhorb; and it now looks as if the national prohibition amendment would soon be submitted and it is qulto certain to bo adopted wlion it. is submitted. "Socond, tho voluntary giving that has been necessary has In it a certain spiritual valuo. The heart Is enllotod, tho sympathies aro expanded, and altruism makes headway against selfishness. AU rpligfous and ethical movements are likely to bo stimulated bocauso tho giving impetus has been arousod. "Third, our pooplo havo never usod tho gov ernment bond as a savings bank to tho extent that pooplo In other countries havo. Tho Liberty Loan has lod millions to invest in government bonds as a mattor of patriotism and tho invest ment will continuo as a matter of business. The gpvornmont bond js tho best security In tho world and the safest savings bank, There is, nhore forp, a real economic valuo in tho formation of tho' habit of ontrustilg the government with sur plus money. It is a good way to provide with cor lalnty agahist tho uncertainties of life nnd to make suro provision1 for old age. SECOND REASON "Tho Thrift and War-Savings Stamps are the most profitable form of patriotism that the clt isjon will havo a chance to manifest. It is the duty of tho citlzon to support the government along evory lino and In ovory posslblo way. It i his duty to support tho government by word and by dood in whatever it may seo fit to under take, becauso ours Is a pooplo's government, and it spoaks for tho cltizon. "Thero aro several ways in which tho citizen may sorvo tho government, principal among which aro through military sorvico, through tax ation, and through loans mado to tho govern ment throo kinds of burdens which the citizen may bo callod upon to boar in time of war "Of theso three, military sorvice is the heavi est becauso itmay involvo tho sacrifice of life No pocuniary burden can, therefore, equal the burdon borno by the soldier. "Noxt in weight is taxation. It is lighter than military sorvico, bocauso it is paid out f the incomo Or, at most, out of the property, while military service may demand life, which is more than incomo or property. "Loans mado to tho government are easier than taxatlbn. When the government takes money through taxation, it does not promise to return it. But when it borrows money, it navs it back with interest, and Interest at 4 is I think, more than tho average rato paid bv the savings banks of tho country. ' "But tho WarrSavings Certificates have three Advantages over tho Liberty Loan. First, the Interest is compounded every threo months. Sec qud, it ban' bo subscribe.! in small amounts to suit the ability, of the subscriber and at Sicu times as may suit his convenience. Third tho moaoy 'loaned 'can bo collected at any time on ton days' notice, so that it can never fall below par Mr ombarras the holder. And in addition iL ,08? advttntaos t las a valuo which can hardly bo ovor-ostimated in that it teaches thrift Qcpnomy, and saving. It is no exaggeration to say that tho lpsson which tho boys and girls will' loam in. the purchase of Thrift Stamps and War Savings Stamps will bo worth far moro to thorn than the monoy invested, and they will got their nipney,back besides, and interest on it It is mprothan eating .your cake and keeping it with. montWnUn8 tU aUl Umt U 1S glVlnS tUe g' "MiliUuy suwlco, taxes, and loans these three and the easiest of these Is loans." COL. BRYAN IN LBWISTON From Tho Lowlston, Me., Journal, Dec. 7, 1917. Col. Bryan's address on live-wiro lines of uni versal democracy drew a large and enthusiastic audience to Lowiston city hall last evening. Col. Bryan is tho most entertaining talker the writer has ever heard; but whatever he was when he was enfranchised as the Boy Orator of the Platte, Col. Bryan is not the great orator of America today and that, jperhaps, for want of occasion. Arid for that matter, one knows not whether we have In the United States an orator in the sense embodied in Patrick Henry, Wendell Phillips or Ward Beecher and the group of great anti slavery orators of "The Fifties." All depends, however, on definitions. Perhaps, the most dra matic orators ' of this period are women like Mrs. Livingston, because fhe prophetess sees the coming of tho Lord in politics and in society moro vividly than the prophet. Roosevelt is not a great orator but he is our pre-eminent statesman and seer. Oratory is either declamation nor talk. Ora tory' is tho product of periods of intense moral and social agitation. Not all great men and women who have deep emotions and serious con sciences and great minds are orators. Other equipment is essential. No great orator is pos sible without intense convictionb and forceful mentality plus fertility of imagination, humor and dramatic lire. The orator is an artist. He must portray aLd picture the crisis. He must draw on an affluent imagination a rich vo- ' cabulary is not enough. Words made flesh are tho organic requirement of oratory. It is easily possible that under the stress of emergency and while the fires of truth and un tarnished idealism were flaming on the altars of his mind, that the Boy Orator of the Platte was both orator and talker, but in last evening's ad dress he drew not on potentials of oratory but on actualities of conviction. "Sixteen to one" never has and never will elicit a great Phillipic. Not since Wendell Phillips lectured in Lewiston 50 years ago on "The Lost Arts," have we heard so fascinating a talker as the late Boy Orator of the Platte: . Why is it that ex-Congressman McGillicuddy, for example, draws a full house in the city of his birth? Why did the late Senator Frye crowd tho benches whenever he talked to his neighbors? Not merely for the" message, worthy though that average to bo, but because action enriched lan guage. When a great dramatist takes- a leading part in a dialogue, we average to be little inter ested. , Oratory req'uirds wholesome emotion, identification of the man with the message. And such identification is impressive only when the man and the message are a unit organic. This is why Patrick Henry's cry for liberty put a uni versal phase on American poljtics, this is why Ward Beecher made England ashamed of her American policy in 1861-4, this is why Boston's Fanueil Hall is a citadel of liberty not unlike In dependence Hall in Philadelphia. Whether the disappearance of great orators is due to a dimin ished demand, and whether diminished demand is due to decline of moral and spiritual forces, ' is anothe matter on which we would not dog matize. Some. say the newspaper has elimin ated the demand for orators. Not so! The theatre can not he destroyed by the movies drama and poetry will revive The new inter nationalism and the world's bettering democ racy will evoke a demand such as elicited that group of immortals who followed John Brown as well as Abraham Lincoln. While Bryan is delicately dramatic and witty he is neither philosophical nor profound. And were he metaphysical like Emerson who put a Lewiston, audience to sleep in the '50's, Bryan would be neither an entertaining talker nor a popular force. It is Bryan's fine human Equality as it was the fine human quality of Lincoln that gives him his place in American politics. Bryan preserves no commonplaces on ice. He is a bet ter democrat than Jefferson because Jefferson was a theoretical, not an intuitive ddmocrat Jefferson was a natural aristocrat, who got dem ocracy into his system y the way of France not by the way of Monticello. His Virginia castle, was the home of tf feudal lord converted to the oretical equality of men and women. Jefferson as a slaveholder did great stunts against mak ing good the fine sentiments which dominated his emotions hut failed to possess his intellect So the sideboards of many American politicians are in conflict with the water wagon while on equal suffrage camouflage promotes atired .feel ing at the fence. J'yJ A striking element of the situation at city' hall last evening, accordingly, was Col. Bryan's ap pearance as a democrat, taking issue with Tam many democracy and republicanism such as to day struggle to re-elect Curley as mayor of Bos ton and such as combined to defeat reflection of Mayor Mitchel, the best democrat who ever ruled our great commercial capital. The conflict betwoen sections of American parties is now as acute as it was when Lincoln was elected to bo president. President Wilson, like Jefferson, is an ardent democrat, but not of the Bryan school. The present incumbent of the white house is a natural aristocrat, meaning thereby no dis respect because His Excellency is an intellectual and cultural force and we are inclined to be lieve the greatest in. these two respects than any previous president. What Wilson laclcs is what Lincoln did not lack and what Roosevelt and Bryan do not lack a fellow-feeling that makes us wondrous intimate. Two such meri as Wil son and Bryan can hardly pull together. The commoner and statesman have different points of view. One can not sit down with Wilson and get at him as he can sit down with Bryan and commjuno, heart to heart. There was no more sympathy between Lincoln, the commoner, and Stanton, the autocrat, that between the present incumbent of the White house and his first chosen secretary of state. However, the conflict between Bryan democracy and Wilson democracy is in a measure arrested by the present war. So the .pressure of civil war made it possible 'for Lincoln to tolerate the otherwise impossible Stanton and McClellan and the mere politician, Seward, behind whom, it will be recalled, was Tammany Republican Thurlow Weed. It is one of the fine effects of the supreme issue of the world democracy that Col. Bryan now drops pacifism and pulls heajtily with the American people to put on the map a democracy more fit for the world. While Cot, Bryan is in conflict with political reaction in both old par ties as was Lincoln, Bryan yields not to the alien temptation to which the Copperheads surrend ered in 1'86 It As in war democrats helped Lin coln beyond measure, so Bryan and many other devotees of peace, finding war inevitable, join hands as heartily to defend the nation as did the ' great majority of northern democrats who voted, for the Missouri Compromise and for Buchanan, In standing for equal suffrage, prohibition and the popular initiative and, referendum, Bryan, stanfs for a finer future as well as for a better present, and every friend of good government is with him, overlooking his silver dollar heresy and not ignoring the fact that economic events have recently put' Bryan's consecrated ratio of "16 to 1" on the map of relative value, while silver happily is yet a commodity responsive to the law of supply and demand under a single standard of gold. Fortunately, we have kept the old yardstick in spite of profiteering kings of worsted and cotton. It has taken the serious consequence of two years' conventional, inconsequential and conver sational "preparedness" to convert Wilson to demand rate-regulation law for want of which Prussianism in Europe is yet bumptious because promoted by profiteering in America. Colt Bry an, Secretary of Navy Daniels and other statesmen-were more prophetic than Wilson and saw the point long ago. " . - - . One of the most impressive features qf Bryan's speech was his analysis of the unearned, incre ment and of meritorious millionaVism. Con curring that a man may be worth- well-earned $500,000,000, the colonel laid the ghost' of profiteering intimating that such men as Lin coln are a bargain at $500,000,000 and that the difference between the man who deserves to be millionaire and the prevailing multi-millionaire is embodied largely in spiritual justice. We tells us that such spiritual millionaires as' Lincoln have no time to collect $500,000,006 of the peo ple though they may have contributed more than that- to public welfare, while the 'man who has $500,000,000 of monoy in his keepings necessarily, devoted -himself to collecting the money. Col. Bryan's putting of social value is telling. A man has the right to that proportion of the world's wealth which he putsFint6 "ho common store, but all social science challenges would make manhood the serf of nrohtfrhfcUiirt profiteered assets more sacred than asli'd by decent industry and right use of fcSSaSS -. i-V-wr-AV'v--.., e i 1,1 t