The Coftimone
' VOU?dNOiOl2
- --
K
L
i
IT-.
t
KV
K
Lansdowne Asks New Peace Aims
maum, detailed,- r exhaustive, precise, with
" clauses and subclauses, which is to be accepted
verbatim et literatim, chapter arid verses, as an
maispensaDie preliminary ana condition
1 '"
A London cablegram, dated Nov. 30, says:
The Marquis of Lansdowne, in a letter published
. by the Daily Telegraph, urges on the allies a
revision of their war aims in an attempt to
bring about peace before tho "prolongation of
the war loads to tho ruin of the civilized world."
"Wo are now in tho fourth year of tho most
dreadful war tho world has over known," says
Lord Lansdowno in tho letter, "a war in which,
Sir. W. Robertson lately informed us, tho num
ber of tho killed alone can bo counted by the
million, while the totaj number of men en
gaged amounts to nearly 24,000,000.
" "Ministers continue .to tell us that they scan
tho horizon in vain for a prospect of lasting
peace, and without a lasting peace we all feel
that tho task we have set ourselves will remain
unaccomplished.
"But those who look forward with -horror to
the prolongation of the war, who believe that its
wanton prolongation would be a crime differing
only In degree from that of the criminal who
provoked it, may be excused if they, too, scan
the horizon anxiously in tho hope of discovering
there indications that 'the outlook may, after all,
not bo so hopeless as is supposed.
OBSTACLES ARE FORMIDABLE
. "The obstacles are indeed formidable enough.
We are constantly reminded of one of them.
"It is pointed out with force that, while we
have not hesitated to put forward general de
scription of our war aims, the enemy have,
though repeatedly challenged, refused to formu
lato theirs and have limited themselves to vague
and apparently insincere professions of readiness
to negotiate with us.
"The force of tho argument can not be gain
said, but it is directed mainly to show that we
are stiU far from agreement as to the territorial
questions which must como up fpr settlement in
connection with the terms of peace. -
OTHER BIG QUESTIONS
"These are, however, by no means the only
questions which will arise, and it is worth while
to consider whether there are not others also of
flrst-rato importance in regard to which the
prospects of agreement are less remote. Let me
example one or two of these.
"What are we fighting for? To beat the Ger
mans, certainly; but that is not an end in itself.
We want to inflict a "signal defeat upon the cen
tral powers, not out of mere vindictiveness, but
in the hope of saving the world from a recur
rence of the 'calamity which has befallen this
generation.
"What, then, is it we want when the war is
. over? I know of no better formula than that
more than once made use of with universal ap
proval by Mr. Asquith in the speeches which he,
from time to time, has delivered. He has re
peatedly told his hearers that we are waging a
war in order to obtain reparation and security. .
Both are essential, but of the two security is
perhaps more indispensable.
MUST PREVENT FUTURE WARS
"In the way df reparation much can be ac
complished, but the utmost effort to make good
all the ravages of this war must fall short of
completeness and will fail to undo the grievous
wrong which has been done to humanity.
"It may, however, be possible to make some
amends for the inevitable incompleteness of rep
aration if the security afforded is, humanly
speaking, complete.
"To end the war honorably would be a great
achievement. To prevent the same curse fall
ing upon our children would be -a greater
achievement still.
"This is our avowed aim, and the magnitude
of the issue can not be exaggerated, for, just as
this war has been, more dreadful than any war
in history, so we may be sure the next war
would be oven more dreadful than this. The
prostitution of .science for the purposes of de
struction is not likely to stop short.
URGES UtflON OF NATIONS
"Most of us, however, believe that it should
be possible to secure posterity against a repeti
tion of such an outrage as that of, 193,4 if tho
powers will, under a solemn pact, bind theln
selves to submit future disputes to arbitration;
if they will undertake to outlaw politically and
economically any one of their number which re
fuses to enter into such a pact, or to use their
joint military and naval forces for the purpose
of coercing a power which breaks away from the
rest, they will, indeed, have traveled far along
the road which leads to se urity.
"We are at any rate right-to put security in
tho front lino of our peace demands, and it is
not unsatisfactory to note that in principle there
seems to be complete unanimity upon this
point."
QUOTES PRESIDENT WILSON
Lord Lansdowne then cites from President
Wilson's speech at the League to Enforce Peace
banquet his reference to a "universal association
of the nations to prevent any -war from being
begun either contrary to treaty covenants or
without warning and full submission of the
cause to the opinion of the world."
He also quotes from the German chancellor's
speeches to the main committee of the reichstag
the same year in favor of a "peaceful agreement
and understanding which will prevent the return
of such an immense catastrophe."
The papal suggestion of August last of the
establishment of arbitration and the Austrian
welcome of it and the readiness to enter into
negotiations regarding the papal proposals are
recorded, and Lansdowne proceeds:
"In this dispatch covering the allied note of
Jan. 10, 1917, Mr. Balfour mentions as one of
the three conditions essential to a .durable peace
the condition that 'behind international law and
behind all treaty arrangements for preventing
or limiting hostilities some form of international
sanction might be devised which would give
pause to the hardest aggressor.'
WOULD PROVIDE DISCIPLINE
"Such a sanction would probably take the .
form of coercion applied in one of two modes. .
The aggressor would be disciplined, either by the
pressure of superior naval or military strength
or by the denial of commercial access and facil
ities. -
"The proceedings of the Paris conference
show that we should not shrink from such de
nial if we were compelled to use the weapon for
purposes of self-defense; but, while a commercial
boycott would be justifiable as a war measure,
and while the threat of a boycott in case Ger
many should show herself utterly unreasonable
would be a legitimate threat, no reasonable man
would surely desire to destroy the trade of the
contral powers if theys will, so b speak, enter
into recognizances to. keep the peace anil do not
force us. into conflict by hostile combination.
OPPOSES TRADE WAR
"A commercial war is less ghastly in its im
mediate results than a war of armed forces, but
it would certainly be deplorable after three or
four years of sanguinary conflict in the field
a conflict which has destroyed a great part of
the wealth of the world and permanently
crippled its "resources if the powers were to
embark upon commercial hostilities, certain to
retard the economic recovery- of all the nations
involved.
"That we shall have to secure ourselves
against the fiscal hostilities of others; that we
shall have to prevent the recurrence of condi
tions under which, when the war broke out, we
found ourselves short of essential commodities
because we had allowed certain industries and
certain sources of supply to pass entirely under
the control of our enemies, no one will doubt
subject, however, to. this reservation that it '
will surely be for our interest that the stream of
trade should, so far as our own fiscal interests '
permit, bo allowed to flow strong and uninter- '
rupted in its natural channels. n
QUESTION OF TERRITORY
"There remains the question of territorial'
claimB. The most authoritative statement of
' these is to be found in the allies' note of Jan. 10,
1917.
"This statement must obviously be regarded as
a broad outline of the desiderata of the allies;
but is anyone prepared to argue that the sketch
is complete, or that it may not become necessary
to re-examine it?
"Mr. Asquith, speaking at Liverpool in October '
last, used the following language:
" 'No one pretends that it would be right or op-' '
portune.for either side to formulate an ulti- '
peace
" 'There
of
are many things he added. Mn
world-wide conflict, such as this, which must of
necessity be left over for discussion' and nego
tiation, for accommodation and adjustment, at
"'a later stage v
ASKS FRANK DISCUSSION
"It is surely most important that this wise
counsel should be kept in mind. Some of our
original desiderata have probably become unat
tainable, others would probably now bo given a
less prominent place than when they were first
put forward; others, again, notably the repara
tion due to Belgium, remain, and must always
remain, in the front rank; but when it comes to
a wholesale re-arrangement of the map of
southeastern Europe we may well, ask for a sus
pension of judgment and for Ihe elucidation
which a frank exchange of views between the
allied powers can alone afford; for all these
questions concern our allies as well as our
selves, and if we are to have an' allied council
for the purpose of adapting our strategy in the
field to the ever-shifting developments of the
war it is fair to assume that in the matter of
peace terms al&o the allies will make it their
business to examine and, if necessary, to revise
territorial requirements.
"Let me end by explaining why I attach so
much importance to these considerations. We
are not going to lose this war, hut its prolong
ation, will spell ruin for the civilized world and
an infinite addition to, the load of human suffer
ing, which already weighs upon jt." Security
will be invaluable to a world which has the vi
tality to profit by it; but what will be the value
of the blessings of peace to natiojij so exhaust
ed that they can scarcely stretch out a hand
with which to grasp them?
ALREADY LASTED TOO LONG
' "In my belief, if. the war is to be brought to
a close in time to avoid a wor.ld-wido catas
trophe, it -will be brought to a close because on
both sides the peoples of the countries involved
realize that it has already lasted too long.
"There can be no question that this feeling
prevails extensively in Germany, Austria and
Turkey. We know beyond doubt that the econ
omic pressure in those countries Jar exceeds any
to which we are subject here. Ministers in
form us in their speeches of- constant efforts on
the part of the central powers to invite peace
talk (Sir Eric Geddes at the Mansion House on
Nov. 9).
"If the peace talk is not more articulate and
has not been so precise as to enable'his, majesty's
government to treat it seriously the explana
tion is probably tq be found- in the fact, first:
That German despotism does not tolerate inde
pendent expressions of opinion; and, second,
, that- the German government has contrived,
probably with quccess, to misrepresent the aims
of- the allies, which are supposed to include tho
destruction of Germany, the imposition upon
her of a form of government decided by her en
emies, her destruction as a greaV commercial
community, and her exclusion from the free
use pf the seas.
- GIVES PEACE PROGRAM,
'n immense stimulus would probably be
given to the peace party in Germany if it were
und'enftood:
"(1) That we do not desire the annihilation
of Germany as a great power.
"(2) That we do not' seek to impose upon her
people, any form of government other than that
,of their own choice.
' "-''(3) That, except as a legitimate war meas
1 Wei we have no desire to deny to Germany her
" place among the great commercial communities
of the world.
"(4) That we are prepared, whenttie" war is
over, to examine in concert with other powers
a group of international problems, some of them
of recent origin, which are connected with the
question of the freedom of the seas.
"(6) That we are prepared to enter into an
international pact under which ample opportun
ities would be afforded for the settlement of in
ternational disputes by peaceful means.
"I am under the impression that authority
could be found for most of these propositions
in ministerial speeches.
"Since the above lines were written, sections
1, 2 and 3 have been dealt with by our own for-
