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The Commoner
S I
VOL. 17, NO. 3
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to represent them anywhere. And I believo
that, if wo will act this example to tho world,
tho people across tho sea who havo been dragged
into warg about which they tfcro not consulted,
who havo simply been told to meet on tho firing
lino because someono has ordered war, will find
in our examplo an inspiration and they Will learn
from what wo do, how to protect themselves
from ambitious monarchs, from greedy mer
chants and from tho excitement df representa
tives who act without deliberation.
Tho President has also suggested that peace
to bo onduring should include the freedom of
tho seas. That is not so strange a thing as some
suppose. 'Why, oven duelists, when duelling
was in flower, had consideration enough for tho
publio to retire to Bomo qtfiot placo whero they
.could shoot each other Without disturbing tho
general public.
OCEANS GOD'S HIGHWAYS
Why should wo not regard tho oceans as
God's highways, and toll nations at war- that,
when they want to shoot at each other, . they
must got off tho seas and fight somewhero else?
Theso aro somo plain, simple, reasonable prop
ositions which we present to the world in tho
hope that tho world will recognizo, their force
and I am glad oh, I am more than glad I am
happy that tho President sent this message to
tho world beforo this new situation arose.
I havo read in tho morning papers, and 'in
tho evening papers, how impossible it was for
us to avoid very dangerous situations, and how
likely it was that wo wero going to get into
trouble, and then I turned back to the language
of tho Presidents message and I found solace
and comfort and assurance.
If wo can ask tho mations at war to forget
tho hatreds aroused by the killing of six mil
lions of people, and come together and confer
on terms of peace rif we can ask them to stop
in .their excitement and reason together who
will say that this nation should rush into war?
What a spectacle we would present asking
them, to bo patient and forbearing while their
hearts bleed for. their relatives in the grave,
and then not bo able to be patient" and forbear
ing ourselves with these questions.' And re
member that those nations are stirred to ani
mosity by tho fact that the enemy nation is try
ing its best to injure them, aye, the nations are
in a death grapple, each one trying to take the
other's life. v
Not an injury that has come to us has been
intended against us. Every injury that we.
havo suffered has been incidental to an injury
that was intended against someone else. And
none of theso parties, not one of them, has
been our enemy or has wanted to injure us. It
. -would be bad enough to go to war with a na
tion that hated us and wanted war with us.
God forbid that we shall ever compel any na
tion to go to war with us if it is not an enem
and does not want war.
Whenever we aro asked to enter upon a
course it is the part of wisdom to count the cost
thereof, to count what wo have to gain and
what we have to loBe. It is also the part of
wisdom to count our obligations to tho world.
This is the greatest of the neutral nations. It
is tho one to which the world is looking to act
asmediator when the time for mediation comes. -But
if we go into this war, no matter what the
cause or excuse or pretext, the moment we go
into this war we step down from that high po
sition of the world's greatest neutral nation
and turn over to some othOiv nation an oppor
tunity tlat never came before to any nation
since timo began.
And more than that, we are the next of kin
to all the nations that are at war. They are
Ijlood of our blood; they are bone of our bone,
and not a soldier boy falls on any battlefield
over yonder but what the wail of sorrow in his
home finds an echo at somo American fireside,
and these people coming to us from all tho
lands have a right to expect that we will re
main tho friend of all.
Some nation must lift the world out of the
black night of war into the light of that day
when peace can be made enduring by being
built on love and brotherhood, and ours is tho
nation to perform the task. '
Yes, and more glorious' than any pagfc of his
tory that has yet been written will be that page
that will record our nation's claim to the prom
ise made tb the peacemaker. Our nation is less
hampered by precedent than the nations ot the
Old World, and we are the greatest of the
Christian nations, spending more money every
year to carry the Bible to those who know it
not than any other nation living or that has
lived, and tho world looks to us to lead the way
from tho bloodstained precedents of the past out
into tho larger and brighter future. I believe
that God, in His providence, has reserved for
this nation the lifting of the moral code that is
now used between man and man up to the level
of nations. That is what we can do, but we can
not do it if we go into this war. x
Wo- used to have dueling in this country, and
when it was supported by public sentiment men
had to fight duels. Because of public sentiment
they would bo called cowards if they declined,
and in that time a great man like Alexander
Hamilton fought a duel and fell. The last thing
he did1, before he went out to that fatal field was
to write but a protest against the entire system,
of dueling, and he left the protest to posterity,
while he left his body upon tho field. t Why?
Because he thought that, as for himself, it was
necessary to conform4 to tho custom in order .to
be useful in crises that he thought he saw ap
proaching. What was the duelist's standard of honor?
It was this: I a man Tiad a wife and she needed
him, he had no right to think of his wife; if he
had children and they needed him, lie' had no
right to think of his children, and no matter
how .much his country needed him, he had no
right to think of his country. If a man received
a challenge to fight a duel ho could not reply:
"I would be glad to accommodate you but my
wife needs me," or MMy children need me," or
"My country needs me." No, he only -had a
right to think' of one thing that he must kill
somebody or be killed by somebody. It took
moral courage to lead, the crusade that has re
sulted in the change, but we have it today, and
and in every state in the union there is a law
against dueling and it is supported by public
sentiment.
Fifty years ago a grdat statesman of Georgia
received a challenge from another great states
man of that state. Had a challenge passed be
tween two such men a hundred years ago instead
of fifty, it is not likely that it would have been
declined; but fifty years ago the sentiment was
changing, and so instead of accepting, the chal
lenge this man sent an answer that has found
a place in history. He said: "No, I have a fam
ily to take care of and I have a soul to save,
and as you have neither we would not fight on
equal terms."
No nation has challenged us and' I do not think
any nation will, but if in a moment of excite
ment one of these mad men in Europe should
challenge us, I believe it Hvould be the part of
wisdom to answer in the spirit of the answer
of the Georgia stateman and say: "No, we have
the welfare of one hundred millions of people
to guard and we have priceless ideals to pre
serve, and we will not get down- and wallow
with you in the mire of human blood to con
form to a false standard of honor."
If civilization is to advance, the day must
come when a nation will feel no more obligated
to acceipy a challenge to war than an American
citizeftnow feels obligated to accept a challenge
to fight a duel, and if that time must come
sometime, why not now? If some nation, must
lead the way, why not our nation?
A CRIME AGAINST NATION
I can not speak for you; I speak only for
myself; but I believe that to go into this war
would be a crime against our nation and the
world. I have faith not only in our President's
desire to keep us out of war, but in his ability
to do so as expressed in these resolutions. Wo
can lessen the chances of war by keep
ing American citizens off belligerent ships and
off American and neutral ships carrying con
traband, especially arms and ammunition. If.
diplomacy fails we can resortHo the treaty plan,
embodied in thirty treaties and endorsed Dy
thrqe-quarters of the world. If we come to a
time when there is a dispute with any nation,
I care not what nation it is. or on what side
the nation fights, if we come to a time when
wo have a dispute that can not be settled by
peaceful means and wo are driven to thO alter
native of either going into this war, or postpon
ing final settlement until after this war is over
I believe it will be the part of wisdom to post
pone final settlement until this war is over
Why? . First, because it is not fair to expei
nations fighting in a death struggle to deal ,i.
us calmly and with deliberation.6 if
was a time since man oegan to write the hiatnS
of his fellowmen, when a nation was justiHed
aye, compelled to be patient and to exeS
Christian forbearance, that time is now I
our nation is the nation. ' and
, And then, too, if we postpone settlement tho
.chances are many to one that when tho war i
over we can settle all disputes without resort
to war. The trouble is not that they do not
want to settle withus, but it is fear of tho effect
tho settlement may have on the war, and that
fear will be removed when the war is over
But, more than that, if I knew that wo could
not avoid war, if I knew, (what no .nan can
know) that postponement would not prevent
war. if I had to choose between going into this
war and having a war of our own after this war
is over, I would rather wait and have a war of
our own than go Into this war.
THIS IS NOT OUR WAR
Why? First, because it would enable us to
play the part of a neutral nation and to help
bring this war to an end before we started our
own; and, second, it would be OUR war if wo
waited and we would ' have something to say
about whento commence, when to get through
and the terms of the 'treaty. But if we go into
this war THIS is not OUll war; this is every
body's war, and they did not consult us about
starting and they have not paid much attention
to us about conducting it, and if we went in
we would have to go in on one side or the other,
and it would be determined not by our choice,
but by whichever side we happened to have our
trouble with when we went to war. And we
would have to stay in until they came out, and
while they were fighting for the things that
they were fighting for, and Goa forbid that we
shall ever entanglo "ourselves in the quarrels of
the Old World.
If any nation ever attacks this nation, I do
not care what nation it is, I believe we ought
to fight untilNthe last man is dead, but I am not
willing that one single mother's son shall be
carried across an ocean three thousand miles
wide to march under the banner of any Euro
pean monarch, or die on European soil, in the
settlement of European quarrels.
If anybody tells you that it may become
necessary to go into this war to preserve our
.honor let me answer him that there is no honor
that we can preserve or secure by going into
this war that is comparable with tho honor
which we can achieve If we can but persuade
those nations to turn like prodigal sons from
the husks on which they havo fed. If wo can
but lift them out of the bloody mire in which
they fight and help them to build a permanent
peace on a foundation that will endure. That,
my friends, is the greatest glory that this na
tion can achieve. If some say that wo should
now mingle our standards with the standards
of Europe! answer that I would not exchange
the moral prestige of this republic for tho mar
tial .glory of all the empires that have risen and
fallen since timo began.
. In his address to congress on December 8,
19J.4, President Wilson said: "What is meant
by being prepared for war? Is it meant that
we are not ready, upon brief notice, to put a
nation in the field a nation of men trained 10
arms? Of course ve are not ready to do tnai,
and we shall never be in time of peace so long
as we retain our present political principles ana
institutions." This is worth recalling now tnai
the President is being misrepresented by w
Militarists of this country as a man filling
overthrow what he has said are the pouuw
, principles and institutions of the country.
Strange', isn't it, that men.who were clamor
ing a little while ago- for ariembargo on .w
shipment of munitions from this country
Europe on the ground that this would soot
stop the war are clamoring now againsi l
who would have this government put ;
bargo on the shipment of our boys to
to be devoured by tho god of war.
The headline over a long article in &ds
The Commoner's exchanges reads: n
About Mexico," ' One of the distress M.
-abjmt the dailies1 is their tendency toTct,oD.
'ing so much space in their column to w
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