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The Commoner
N0VEMBEB,'1?16
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I lire for thoso who Ioto me,
And tho good that I can do."
Bradford.
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HE ART TO HEART-
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By WILUAM JENNINGS BRYAN
. Theao heart to heart appeals, scattered through speeches delivered during a quarter of a century (1890 to 1916),
are collected and republished In the belief that they may be of permanent interest to tho friendB whoso contlnuod
i , ,-, f confidence has been an inspiration and whoso constancy has been an ample Toward for whatever service I may havo
4. -Deen akie to render to my country during the eventful days wo have been co-laborers in this favored part of tho
Lord's vineyard.
GOVERNMENT
TEN FUNDAMENTAL PROPOSITIONS
I venture to present ten propositions:
1. The sofcial ideal towards which the world
is moving requires that human institutions shall
approximate towards the divine measure of re
wards and this can only be realized when each
individual is able to draw from society a reward
proportionate to his contribution to society.
2. The form of government which gives the
best assurance of attaining this ideal is the
form in which the people rule a government
deriving its just powers from the consent of the
governed the fprm described by Lincoln as
"A government of the people, by the people and
for the people." This being tho people's gov
ernment, it. is their duty to live for it in time
of peace and diel3for it, if necessary, in time of
war. , ,
3. The chief duty of governments, in so far
as they are coercive, is to restrain those who
would interfere with the inalienable rights of
the individual, among which are the right to
life, the right to liberty, the right to the pursuit
of happiness, and the right to worship God ac
cording to the dictates of one's conscience.
4. In so far as1 governments are co-operative,
they approach perfection in proportion as they
adjust with justice the joint burdens which it is
necessary to impose and distribute with equity
the incidental benefits which come from the dis
bursement of the money raised by taxation.
5. Competition is so necessary a force in
business that public ownership is imperative
wherever competition is impossible. A private
monopoly is indefensible and intolerable.
6. "Absolute acquiescence in the decision of
the majority" is, as Jefferson declares, "the
vital principle of republics, from which is no
appeal but to force, the vital principle and im
mediate parent of despotism."
7. As acquiescence in the permanent exist
ence of a wrong is not to be expected, it is the
duty of every citizen to assist in securing a free
expression of the will of the people, to the end
that all abuses may be remedied as soon as pos
sible. No one can claim to be a good citizen
who is indifferent. Civic duty requires attend
ance at primaries and conventions as well as at
the polls. '
8. The government being the people's busi
ness, it necessarily .follows that its operations
should be at all times open to the public view.
Freedom of speech Is essential to representative
government, and publicity is as essential to
honest administration. "Equal rights to all and
special privileges to none" is the maxim which
should control all departments of government.
9. Each individual finds his greatest security
in the intelligence and happiness of his fellows
the welfare of each being the concern of all
and he should therefore exert himself to the
utmost to Improve conditions for all and to
raise the level Cupon which all stand.
10. While scrupulously careful o live up to
his civic responsibilities, the, cjtizen "should
never forget that the larger part' of every
human lifer is 'lived outside o"f tti,e domain pf
Kovernment, arid that he renders thp largest
service to others when ho brings himself into
harmony .with the law of God, who has made
service the measure of greatness.
(From the Royal Art.)
I II ... I.I.I MI.M
- GOVERNMENT COERCIVE AND '
- CO-OPERATIVE
Government has been called "tho royal art,"
altfiough it is more often described as a science,
but' whether it be viewed as an art or as a.
science it occupies an increasing place in the
thought of civilized man. The theoretical an
archist who talks of the time when each will be
a law unto himself and when governments will
be no more needed, takes but an incomplete
view of the subject. Government may bo di
vided into two parts, namely, that which Is co
ercive and that which is co-operativo. It Is to
be expected that tho coercive part of govern
ment will diminish with man's development. In
every civilized community today but a small
portion, and that constantly decreasing, needs
to consider the 4'Thou shalt nots" of the crim
inal statutes. As the virtuous now restrain
themselves, and would, even if there were no
forbidding statutes, we may expect that, step
by st.ep as the world advances, tho rigors of
penal laws will be abated. We already look
back with mingled amusement and wonder at
the brutal penalties of a few centuries ago.
But while penal statutes wane, co-operative
government Is ever widening. The people find
it economical, as well as otherwise helpful, to
do together that which each individual could do
alone o'nly with greater difficulty and at greater
cost.
(From The Royal Art.)
THREE FORMS OF GOVERNMENT
Generally speaking, there havo been three
forms of government, the monarchy, the aris
tocracy, and the democracy. Monarchies are,
in turn, subdivided into unlimited and limited.
There are few unlimited monarchies now out
side of the savage tribes, and in limited m-i-archies
now restrictions are being constantly
thrown about the executive. No two aristoc
racies are alike, so numerous are the degrees to
be found in this kind of government, and among
democracies some are more democratic than
others. But, as in monarchies, the tendency is
to increase the limitations upon power and, as
in aristocracies, the tendency is towards an en
larging of the controlling class, so in democra
cies the tendency is ever towards more popular
government.
In the school books We are told that the mon
archy is defended on the ground that It is the
strongest of governments, the aristocracy on the
ground that it is the wisest, and the democracy
on the ground that it Is the most just. This re
calls the discriminating language used by
Plutarch in describing the views which men, In
his opinion, entertained towards the gods,
namely, that "they feared them for their
strength, admired them for their wisdom and
loved them for their Justice."
It seems hardly necessary to discuss the rel
ative merits of these three forms of government
since time, the final arbiter, fights on the side
of a government in which the.peopj rule. .B?t
ft is4orth while to quote the reply nUde by the
great historian, Bancroft, to tho argument used
in tho support of monarchies. Ho said that the
republic was in fact the strongest of govern
ments because, discarding tho implements of
terror, it dared to build its citadel in tho hearts
of men.
Tho theory that an aristocracy is the wisest
of governments can bo answered in two ways:
First, that "everybody knows moro than any
body" tho wisdom of all tho people being
greater than tho wisdom of any part; and, sec
ond, by the fact that wisdom is not tho only
requisite In government, or even tho most Im
portant element, for tho wisdom that directs a
government is seldom, If over, entirely separ
ated from a selfish interest that may pervert tho
judgment. As justice is moro important than
strength . is in fact tho only basis of lasting
strength, and is a higher quality than wisdom
rsuperiorlty must be conceded to a democracy
which can boast of being the most just govern
ment.
(From. tho Royal Art.)
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TWO THEORIES OF REPRESENTATIVE
GOVERNMENT
There are two theories of representative gov
ernment, namely, tho aristocratic and demo
cratic in fact, these two points of view ob
trude themselves no matter what phase of gov
ernment we consider. Tho aristocratic theory
is that tho people are not capable of studying
questions for themselves, and therefore select
representatives to do their thinking for them;
the democratic theory is that the people think
for themselves and select representatives to
give expression to tho thoughts and wishes of
the voters. The first theory is dangerous. When
ever a representative desires to put his own in
terests above the interests of bis constituents
or the "wishes of a few above the rights of tho
many, ho generally prefaces a statement of his
attitude with the declaration that ho is not a
"demagogue" and does not Intend to be gov
erned by the clamor of the "unthinking mul
titude." He sometimes boasts that he is too
conscientious to do the things which his con
stituents desire.
It is worth noting that this sudden manifesta
tion of an abnormal conscience usually comes
after the election and the persons in whom it is
noticeable are generally conscienceless in tho
promises that they make and in tho means that
they employ to secure an election. A CON
SCIENCE THAT HIBERNATES DURING THE
CAMPAIGN AND ONLY COMES FORTH WHEN
THE PEOPLE ARE HELPLESS TO RECALL
THEIR SUFFRAGES, -SUCH A CONSCIENCE
USUALLY REACHES THE MAXIMUM OF ITS
SENSITIVENESS WHEN SOME VESTED
WRONG IS ABOUT TO BE OVERTHROWN.
(From The Royal Art.)
DEMOCRAT.ORARISTOCRA'J WHICH?
There is ojily ' tine line that can be draw
through aocietf always and everywhere, namely,
the line' that separates the man who is at heart
a democrat from the man who is at heart as
aristocrat. I do mot use the word democrat iv
' 'partisan sense. The word is mnr than tw
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