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VOL. 16, NO. 11
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sixty-four years of spotless public, service, Qf.
William Ewart Gladstone will, In years to come,
bo regarded as rich an" brnamont to the history
of this nation as the llfo of any .man who poured
out his blood upon a battlofleld.
(London Peace Congress Speech, 190G.)
u.
LIFTING BY EXAMPLE
On the walls of the temple at Karnalc an
ancient artist carved the likeness of an Egyp
tian king; the monarch is represented as hold
ing a group of captives by the hair, the other
hand raising a club as if to strike a blow. What
king would be willing to confess himself .so
cruel today? In some of the capitals of Europe
there are monuments built of, or ornamented
with, cannon taken in war; this form
of boasting, once popular, is still tol
erated, though it must In time give way
to some emblem of victory less suggestive
of slaughter. As wo are gathered tonight in
England's capital, permit mo to conclude with
a sentiment suggested by a piece of statuary
which stands in Windsor Castle. It represents
the late lamented Queen Victoria leaning upon
hor royal consort; he has one arm about her,
and with the othor hand is pointing upward.
Tho sculptor has told in marble an eloquent
story of strength coupled with tenderness, ot
lovo rewarded with tyust, of sorrow brightened
by hope, and he has told the story so plainly
that it was scarcely necessary to chisel the
words: "Allured to brighter worlds, and led the
way." It was a beautiful conception more
beautiful than that which gave to the world the
Greek Slave, the Dying Gladiator, oi the God
dess Athene, and it embodies an idea which,
with the expanding feeling of comradeship, can
ho applied to the association of nations, as well
as to tho relations that exist between husband
and wife. Lot us indulge the hope that our na
tion may so measure up to its great opportuni
ties, and so bear its share of the White Man's
Burden, as to earn tho right to symbolize its
progress y a similar figure. If it has been ui
lurod by Providence to higher ground, may it
lead the way, winning the confidence of those
who follow it, and exhibiting the spirit of Him
who said, "I, if I bo lifted up, will draw all men
unto Mo."
(From London Fourth of July Speech, 1906.)
sivo state. The conservative Is necessary -to
keep tho radioaUfrom going too fast, and; the
radical is necessary to make the conservative
go at all. One is as necessary to the welfare, of
the nation as the other. There must be a party
in power, and there must be a party out of
power, although I think that, for convenience
sake, they ought to change places occasionally.
When a party goes into power it is apt to be
more conservative than when out of power, and
when a party goes out of power it is likely to
becomo more radical. I might give a number
of reasons for it. In the first place, responsi
bility tends to make a party more deliberate
it sobers it. Then, too, a party that is defeated
often learns from the victor how to win, and
sometimes the .successful party learns from the
defeated one.
(From Tokio Speech at Ambassador's dinner;
Marquis Ito, premier, and Count Okuma,
leader of the opposition, were among' the
guests.) ' " '
AN INTERNATIONAL IDEAL
The world is coming to understand that arm
ies and navies, however numerous and strong,
are impotent to stop thought. Thought inspired
by lovo will yet rule tho world. I. am glad that
there is a national product more valuable than
gold or silver, more valuable than cotton or
wheat or corn or iron an ideal. That is mer
chandise if I may call it such that proves
freely from country to country. You can not
yex it with an export tax or hinder it with an
import tariff. It is greater than legislators, and
rises triumphant over tho machinery of goyr
eminent. In the rivalry to present the best ideal
to-tho world, love, not hatred, will control; and
I am glad that on this Thanksgiving pay I can
meet my countrymen and their friends here as
sembled, return thanks for what my country
has received, thanks for the progress that the
world has made, and contemplate with joy the
coming of that day when the rivalry between
Nations Avill bo, not to see which can injure the
other most, but to show which can hold highest
the light that guides the footsteps of the human
race to higher ground.
(From Thanksgiving Day Address in, London.)
welfare and fqr the success of your admint
tion, X amrmy dear Mr. President, very tr
yurs' - -"W, J, BRYAN7
Washington, June S, 19 IB. -
PEACE
i
THE THIRTY PEACE TREATIES
RADICAL AND CONSERVATIVE
.,' We have found many curious, things in
.this, country, but Mrs. Bryan and I have been
especially interested in what they call the
'Korean Lions." I do not know whether other
Americans have been impressed by these, but
wo shall take two Korean lions home with us
(if we can secure a pair) and put them as a
guard in front of our house. The Korean lions
aro interesting for several reasons, and one of
(he .most important is that they represent the
affirmative and the negative. I noticed today
jhat one of them had his mouth open as though
lie were saying "yes," and. the other had his
piou.th tightly closed as if he had just said "no,"
Both the affirmative and the negative are neces
Wf Yon find everywhere the radical and the
JttsVrvative. Both are essential in a progres-
There are five fundamental propositions
which run through all the treaties, namely (1)
that investigation shall be resorted to in. ALL
cases not otherwise provided for; (2) the Com
mission is PERMANENT and ready to be in
voked at any time; (3) the investigation .is to
be concluded within ONE YEAR unless th''time
is changed by mutual consent; (4) the parties
agree NOT TO DECLARE WAR OR BEGIN
HOSTILITIES until the investigation has been
made; but (5) THEY RESERVE THE RIGHT
TO ACT INDEPENDENTLY AFTER the inves
tigation is completed.
It is believed that these treaties will go far
towards making war a remote possibility, for
it will be difficult for two nations to- engage in
war after a year's deliberation. Diplomacy is
tho art of keeping cool, and the period provided
for investigation not only permits the subsi
dence of pasBion and the restoration of reason,
but it gives time for the operation of that pub
lic opinion, which more and more condemns the
use of force and exalts the processes of reason.
Time also enables impartial judges to separate
questions of fact from questions of honor a
most important task, since the line between the
two is quite sure to be obscured when, anger and
prejudice are aroused, Instead of using the
ultimatum, we are adopting the motto: NOTH
ING IS FINAL BETWEEN FRIENDS.
(From The Message From Bethlehem.)
MR. BRYAN'S LETTER OF RESIGNATION
My Dear' Mr. President: -'
It is with sincere regret that I have readied
the conclusion that I should return. to you'tiie
commission of secretary of state with which you
honored me at the beginning of your adminis
tration. Obedient to your sense of duty and actuated
by the highest motives, you have prepared for
transmission to the German government a note
in which I can not Join without violating what I
deem to be an obligation to my country, and the
issue involved is of such moment that to remain
a member of the cabinet would be as unfair Jo
ygu as it would be to the cause which is nearest
my heart, namely, the prevention of war.
I, therefore, respectfully tender my resignation,
to take effect when the. note is sent unloss you
prefer an earlier hour. Alike desirous of T.eaihr
ing a peaceful solution of the problems arising
out of the use of the submarines against mer
chantmen, we find ourselves- differing irreconcil
ably as to the methods which should be em
ployed. It falls to your lot to speak officially for tho
nation; I consider it to be none the less my duty
to endeavor aB a private citizen to promote the
end which you have in view by means which you
do not feel at liberty to use.
n severing the intimate and pleasant rera
tlons which have existed between us during the
past two years, permit me to acknowledge the
i""1"""" .iaii;i.iuu wmen it nas given me to
be associated with you in the important tfbrk
Tvhich- has come before the state department
and to thank you for thOj courtesies extended,
With heartiest good wishes for your personal
OJWO POINTS OP DIFFERENCE
My reason for resigning is clearly statn.i
j .w. w- b..BUiwUai, .Uttmoiy, rnnr mn
ploy as a private citizen the means which
my letter of resignation, namniv , T u
wiw - -i ii ' 7r -V MW' ""W em-
jxwjr ,o u, iauio uili&bu me means which h
President does not feel at liberty to employ ?
honor him for doing what he believes to be riirhf
and I am sure that he desires. n t ,in n;1'
peaceful solution of the problem which has been
created by the action of the submarines.
Two of the points on which we differ each
conscientious in conviction, are: '
First, as to the suggestion ot investigation by
an international commission, and,
Second, as to warning Americans against
traveling on belligerent vessels or with cargoes
of ammunition.
I believe that this nation should frankly state
to Germany that we are willing to apply in this
case the principle which we are bound by treaty
to apply to disputes between -the United States
and thirty countries with which we have made
treaties providing for investigation of all dis
putes ot every character and nature.
These treaties, negotiated under this admin
istration, make war practically impossible be
tween this country and these thirty governments,
representing nearly three-fourths of all the peo
ple of the world.
Among the nations with, which we have these
treaties are Great Britain, France and Russia.
No matter what disputes may arise between us
and these treaty nations, we agree that there
shall be no declaration of war and no com
mencement of hostilities until the matters in
dispute have been investigated by an interna
tional commission and a year's time allowed for
investigation and report. This plan was offered
to all the nations without any exception what
ever, and Germany was one of the nations that
accepted the principle, being the twelfth, I think,
to accept. No treaty was actually entered into
with Germany, but I can not see that that should
stand. in the way when both nations endorsed
the principle. I do not know whether Germany
would accept the offer, but our country should,
In my judgment, make the offer.
Such an offer, if accepted, would at once re
lieve the tension and silence all the jingoes who
are demanding war. Germany has always been
a friendly nation, and a great many of our peo
ple are of German ancestry. Why should we
not deal with. Germany according to this plan to
which the nation has pledged its support?
The second point of difference is as to the
course which should be pursued in regard to
Americans traveling on belligerent ships or with
cargoes of ammunition.
.. Why should an American citizen be permitted
to involve the country in war by traveling upon
a belligerent ship when he knows that the ship
will pass through a danger zone? The ques
tion is not whether an American citizen has a
right under international law to travel on a bel
ligerent ship; the question is whether he ought
not, out of consideration for his country, if not
for his own safety, avoid danger when avoidance
is possible.
Jtjs a very one-sided citizenship that compels
a government to go to war over a citizen's rights,
and yet relieves the citizen of all obligations to
consider his" nation's welfare. I do not know
just how far the President can go legally in act
ually preventing Americans from traveling on
belligerent ships,, but I believe the government
should go as far as it can, and. that in case or
doubt it should give the benefit of the doubt to
the gpvernnient. n ..
But even if tho government, could not legally
prevent citizens from travelings on belligerent
ships, It could,, and in my judgment should,
earnestly advise American citizens not to risk
themselves, or. the peace of their country, and l
have no doubt that these warnings would he
heeded.
President Taft advised Americans to leavo
Mexjco whea Insurrection broke out there, ana
President Wilson has repeated the advice, ims
advice, in my judgment, was eminently wise, ana
I think the: same course should. be followeam
regard to warning Americans to. keep off vesseia
subject toattack. . ,.
X think too, that. American, passenger ship
Should be prohibited from carrying a""1:"!
The lives of passenger ought not to be enaau
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