The Commoner
'APRIL, 1916
THE NEBRASKA CAMPAIGN
Mr. Bryan Defines the Issues
Abstract of speech delivered by Mr. Bryan in
March and April, 191G, during the primary cam
pagin in Nebraska.
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen:
I ask your attention first to the national phase
of this campaign, but will devote the large part
of my time to the prohibition question, which
Is -the dominating issue in this state.
The voters of Nebraska will, at the primary
election on the eighteenth of April select dele
gates to the national conventions, four dele
gates at large and two in each congressional
district.
I am a candidate for delegate at large, my
name appearing on the ticket with Hon. W. H.
Thompson of Grand Island, chairman of our
state committee; Judge J. J. Thomas of Seward
and L. J. Piatti of Omaha.
There is no reason at this time to discuss
national issues and I would not refer to them
but for the fact that a group of democrats, led,
by Senator Hitchcock, is attempting to defeat
our ticket.
Senator Hitchcock and his associates claim
the guardianship of the interests of the Pres
ident, but I would remind you of the fact that
they werq not friends of the President in 1912.
When the progressive democrats of Nebraska
? & were divided between Mr. Wilson and Mr. uiarK
a four years ago, Senator Hitchcock headed the
forces that supported Mr. narmon, ine wan
fstreet candidate.
t If you will inspect the senator's record you
will find that while he is supporting the Pres
ident in the primary now, when he has no oppo
afHnn nnfl rnpa not need him. he has onnosed
frthn President at critical times, when he was
5 needed; once when he joined Wall street in an
I flf.ffimnt to defeat the currency bill and once
I when he joined the shipping combine in defeat
ing the President's shipping bill.
I believe that the only reason Senator Hitch
cock 1s for the President now is because he de
sires to aid the liquor interests ride into office
on the back of the President.
It is fortunate that the democrats of Nebraska
nave a candidate other than Senator Hitchcock
to support. Hon. I. J. Dunn is a progressive
democrat at all times, and he mav be depended
upon to represent the state honestly and ably.
The democrats who know Mr. Dunn will pre
fer him to Mr. Hitchcock, and whrre democrats
know only Mr. Hitchcock they will still prefer
Mr. Dunn.
MANY POINTS OF AGREEMENT
Now a word in regard to the many points of
agreement between the President and myself,
and the few points upon which wo have dif
fered. As a member of his cabinet It was my
pleasure to work with him in the passage of the
laws which have made this administration con
spicuous. It has secured the enactment into
law of more important measures than were
passed by any previous administration in our
history in the same length of time.
First; the tariff law, the best we have had
in fifty years. Second; the income tax, which
transfers $100,000,000 of taxes each year from
the backs of the poor to. the possessors of in
comes that range from $3,000 a year up. This
is a great reform and would not have been pos
sible but for the fight that the democratic party
has waged for twenty years, and finally won, In
favor of this amendment to our constitution.
I need hardly remind the democrats of Nebraska
that I have been one of the leaders in the fight
for this income tax amendment
Third; the currency law. This law which wo
now have is the best that the country has eVer
had. I would, if I had the time, consider, some
of its important features. While I was helping
the President to pass this law, .Mr. Hitchcock
was opposing him. He introduced a blllhich
parried out the Wall street idea and" 'provided
for the Issuance of hank notes, whereas .the
President's bill provided for the Issuance of
government notes.
The bill introduced by Senator Hitchcock pro
Tided for something like twelve reserve districts
but he abandoned his proposition and support
ed the Wall street demands for only four reserve
districts, as against the President's bill which
provided for twelve.
There were also two anti-trust laws passed,
and in order that you may know how closely I
have been connected with this part of tho ad
ministration's program, I remind you that tho
declaration that "a private monopoly is inde
fensible and intolerable," which was embodied
in the President's message on tho trust question
and also in his speech of acceptance, was taken
from tho platform of 1912, and that I am respon
sible for the use of that languago in that plat
form as well as three national platforms pre
vious to that year.
These are tho more important domestic meas
ures which it has been my pleasure to aid tho
President in enacting.
MEXICAN POLICY AND PEACE TREATIES
As secretary of state I assisted him in deal
ing with the Mexican situation, and I havo agreed
with him in everything he has done in regard
to the Mexican policy since my resignation. I
think he is right in sending a punitive expedition
into Mexico to punish those who perpetrated an
outrage on an American village, and that ho is
also right in refusing to favor intervention in
Mexico.
While I was secretary of state I negotiated
more treaties than any other secretary of
state had ever negotiated in tho same length of
time. Thirty of these treaties were peace trea
ties which followed a" plan that I had advocated
for eight years before becoming a member of
the cabinet. I laid this plan before tho Pres
ident on the day he asked me to become a mem
ber of his cabinet, and secured his endorsement.
These peace treaties wero signed by nations
representing three-fourths of all tho people on
God's footstool.
I was associated with him in dealing with tho
questions growing out of the European war un
til we found ourselves differing so radically that
I felt it was only fair to him and to myself to
resign.
I did not question his right to decide tho pol
icy of tho government; I did not question his
desire to keep this country from being involved
In tho European war, or that ho was following
established precedent, but I believed tho timo
had come to invite the nations of the world to
adopt a new diplomacy built upon tho spirit of
love and brotherhood, instead of resting upon
the doctriTio of force and fear.
Ever since the sinking of the Lusitania I have
believed that this government should refuse to
permit American citizens to rido on belligerent
ships into zones fanown to bo dangerous. I
think that It Is as necessary to keep our peoplo
off these ships as it Is for a mayor to keep the
people off the streets during a riot.
Whatever may be tho rights of tho American
people, no American citizen should bo permitted
to I io peril his eounlry's safety in time of war
merely recause he wants to travel on a belliger
ent ship.
If the matter could be put to a vote I believe
that nine-tenths of the American people if not
ninety-nine out of every one hundred would
cay that no American should be permitted to
jeopardize the peace of his country dur
ing this war merely for his own convenience.
With the exception of the question of "Prepared
ness' which has arisen since I resigned from the
cabinet, on no other question have I differed
fromAthe President.
In;)rder that you may know that I was not
alone in my opposition to the President's plan
of ar continental army, please remember that a
democratic committee in congress rejected the
President's plan and substituted therefor a plan
so good that the President accepted it, and every
democrat in the house voted for it, and also
ever republican but one.
AGAINST EXTORTIONATE DEMANDS
I have tried to arouse public opinion against
the extortionate demands of the army and navy
board, and of eastern munition manfuacturers,
that the President might bo strengthened to re
sist them.
That you may know what these demands arc,
let mo romind you that while wo nro today
spending $100,000,000 a year on tho army and
$147,000,000 a year on tho navy, or about
$250,000,000 a year on both, ton tlmeB what is
spent on tho department of agriculturo each
year, tho army board is asking for $319,
000,000 and the navy board for $760,000,000
a year.
The army and navy board together are asking
moro than one billion dollars a year permanent
ly to prepare for imaginary wars, and before
this annual charge begins, they are asking for
fivo hundred millions for tho army and one bil
lion and a half for the navv to get them into
shape. One billion dollars a year on the army
and navy would bo moro than twico tho NET
income of all tho farmers from all their crops.
I do not believe that the pcoplo of Nobraaka
favor the addition of moro than eight hundred
million dollars a .year to tho cost of tho army
and navy, an amount which In ten years would
gridiron this country with macadamized or con-,
croto roads twelve miles apart, north and south,
cast and west.
Having called your attention to the many
points of agreement and to tho very few points '
of disagreement between tho President and my
self, lot mo add that in every case whore the
President has been right the republican leaders
havo been wrong, and where I think tho Pres
ident has erred, tho republican leaders have
erred much moro than ho has.
THE PROHIBITION AMENDMENT
And now let me invite your attention to the
prohibition amendment, I shall divide the re-'
maindcr of my address Into four parts, and speak'
first on the primary law. Like all other laws'
there Is some difficulty In getting results. Com-1
pared with tho people in tho city, tho voters in
tho country aro at a groat disadvantage, because
of tho distance to the polling places. Often the
farmer has to drive many miles in order to get
to tho polls. I believe the farmer ought to bo
placed on an equality with tho city voter, and I
havo been suggesting that it might be possible
to relieve the farmer of his unequal task in
casting his ballot by collecting votes In tho
country as wo deliver the mail. If wo can carry
tho mail to tho farmer every clay, wo should be
able to collect votes once or twico a year, but
this will not be possible before April 18 next,
and although it is necessary for tho farmer to
go to a great deal of trouble to vote. I would
urge every farmer to vote. The wot vote In the
city will be out in full force, and wo will have
to offset it with the dry vote In the country.
At tho primary election it will bo necessary
for us to select candidates who, wh"n elected,
will enforce tho amendment if it carries next
fall, as wo "believe it will. The amendment is
not self-enforcing. It must be enforced by laws
to bo passed by the legislature.
Tho liquor interests understand this and are
now trying to control our legislature, and if
they can succee'l In controlling either the sen
ate or tho house In our state legislature, they
will be able to prevent tho passage of laws that '
will put tho amendment Into effect. Be care
ful, therefore, to nominate a dry democrat and
a dry republican in every senatorial and legis
lative district.
Tho governor is the most important state offi
cer to be elected this year. He will not only be
responsible for the execution of prohibition laws
but will have a great deal to do with the pass
age of laws necessary to the enforcement of the
amendment. When tho governor vetoes a meas
ure it requires a two-thirds vote of both houses
to nass it over his veto, so that if tho liquor in
terests can elect the governor and one more
than one-third of either house they can prevent
the passage of prohibition laws. It is important
that wo nominate a dry candidate for governor
in both parties.
The lieutenant governor presides over the.
senate, and becomes governor in case of. deatk
or disability of the governor. Bo sure td nom
inate a dry candidate for this office In both par-'
ties. Vote for Edgar Howard for lieutenant,
governor.
You should remember also that we have to
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