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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (April 1, 1916)
VOL. 16, NO. 4
A $30,000 POLICY
'"A short tlmo ago THE MIDWEST
LIFE issued a policy for $30,000 on
tlio life of a prominent surgeon of
Lincoln. Ho elected that instead of
payment being mado ill ono lump
sum at his (loath, that the widow bo
paid in installments, which will not
bo less than $125.00 a month as long
as she shall livo.
Thoro is a growing tendency for
thoowncrs of largo policies to pro
vide a-life income for the beneficiary.
Somo times a widow is not versed in
business and in numerous cases her
investments have not proven satis
factory. Every policy now issued by
THE MIDWEST LIFE gives the in
sured the option of providing a lifo
income for the wife and children.
The Midwest Life
ov LINCOLN, NEBRASKA
A STOCK COMPANY SELLING
GUARANTEED COST LIFE INSURANCE
PEACE PREPAREDNESS .
Wear n United StatoH Unlvoraal Peaco
Emblem badpro and Individually oxort
an Inlluonco for Peaco, by creating a
acntlment for peaco and goodwill
among men, with this peace talisman
worn by tho peoplo of tho United
States who advocato world-wide peaco,
a great army, a brotherhood for tho
cause of peaco could bo enlisted. Nlno
tonthH of tho people of t,ho United
States stand for peace, mark yourself
as ono of this vast army.
This badgo has boon submitted to
most of tho prominent peaco advocates
In tho United States, receiving thdlr
hearty endorsement moro than one
third of tho governors of tho -United
States being among tho number. No
organization could meaauro up with tho
powerful Influence of such a brothor
Ll00l! AU of tno People, for tho people,
by tho peoplo striving for universal
peaco. For further information address
lil. A. WINANS, 1108 Hrtulilock Avenue,
JAPANESE NOVELTIES -
Wo send GO Assortment of Hand-made
Japanono novelties for $1.00, postpaid.
Something now for gift and trade. Du
tlos free. Satisfaction or money re
funded. Dealers' and Jobbers.' " trade
MutNiimoto-1)o, Dept. 187, Tokyo, JAPAN
V -iU (No Oil) 1 n,ore Gstone
Stomach. Hack. SKte c Sl.ouWer, Uver "Trouble Stomach
Iilier, rllmaath. and (Ull Troui.t.. H U iT.fr
O.II,o.JUwJjr Co., !),,. 049, aiO 8. IIrI)orSU,ChMr.
I will gladly send any Rheumatism sf
toror a Simplo Herb Rocina ai,,?iV.
Free that Completely Cured mo of i. t?r
rlblo attack of muscular and Infla?nma
tory Rheumatism of long standing aft
everything else I tried had foiled iuot
liSVJ?1 iholras,oa hopeless, yet thoy found
rollof from tholr sulTcrinc hv tnirw, L
simple herbs. It also ellUSs scinte
, promptly, as well as Neuralgia and fic
wondorful blood puriflor ' Yoi r J,l ?
trceto any sultoror who will SK
From Tho Cincinnati, Ohio, Rec
ord, January 7, 1D1G.J
What this country has most to fear
is not tho invasion of a foreign army,
but tho invasion of a foreign spirit.
And what is tho spirit of America?
Forms count for little. For centuries
tho Caesars preserved the forms of
tho Roman republic.
On the eve of one of the holy days
of the nation it is becoming that we
should address ourselves to the ven
erated and revered fathers, and from
their word and example steer the
true course in the mad sea of hys
teria that lashes the world today.
Let us at th's sad and solemn time
hark to the voices of Thomas Jeffer
son and Andrew Jackson.
On tho morrow throughout the
land men will speak of "Old Hick
ory," that dauntless democrat, who,
though a lion in war, warned against
tho poison of militarism.
Both of these men knew the dis
tinction between militarism and na
vallsm and real preparedness. Mil
itarism is a system, tho enthrone
ment of a military caste. Jefferson
and Jackson said it was inconceivable
that the people would ever surrender
their liberty savo under a delusion.
So militarism seeks to sneak in under
tho mask of preparedness.
Persia had militarism. Greece
had preparedness. And the most ef
fective weapon of the Greek was not
iron and steel, but the spirit that fired
the hearts of Hie heroes of Marathon.
Possessed of this tho mighty armies of
the great king broke before the
scanty militia of Athens like the
surges on the rock.
Jefferson and Jackson did not look:
to Europe for their models. There
was nothing in the old world mon
archies and aristocracies that at
They had faith in America. Differ
ing from the vile slanderers of todav.
of which Theodore Roosevelt is the
typo, they did not scorn tho American
ideal for that of kings, kaisers and
tho "man on horseback."
Jefferson and Jackson believed
Amprica to be a world power.
They believed America had a
"place in the sun."
Hear their words.
Jaqkson, in his last address to tho
people, said: "You have ifte highest
of, human trusts committed to your
care. You have been chosen as the
iruardian of freedom to preserve it
for the beneat of the human race'.
May you with pure 'hearts and pure
hands, and sje"epless vigilance guard
and .defend to the end of time the
great charge committed to your keep
But guard and defend from whom?
Tho British? The Germans? Let
Jackson answer: "It is from within
among yourselves, from cupidity
from corruption, from disappointed
ambition and inordinate thirst for
Power that, liberty will be endangered,
it is against such designs, whatever
disguise the actors may- assume, that
you have to especially guard your
Referring again to the "world mis
sion of America, Jackson in his
message of January 16, 1833, said:
The rich inheritance bequeathed by
our fathers, has devolved upon us the
sacred obligation of preserving it by
tho same virtues. Thoy bequeathed
LUB m government of laws founded
upon the great principle of popular
representation. It is now the object
and hope of tho friends of civil lib
erty throughout the world "
So the traitors to the American re
public, those who "within, among
ourselves" would strife the blow
who, in envy of tho military "glory"
of old world monarchies would throw
down democracy and place upon the
nation the despotism of militarism;
who would have us step down from
the proud pedestal of liberty enlight
ening the world to enter the arena of
blood and iron, these traitors would
have fared badly, indeed, could "Old
Hickory" have laid hands upon their
But hear the voice of that other
great patriot, Jefferson. Writing
during a period similar to the pres
ent in a letter to J. W. Eppes in 1811,
he said: "I am far from believing that
our reputation will be tarnished by
bur not having mixed in the mad
contests of the rest of the world that,
setting aside the ravings of the pepper-pot
politicians, I believe it will
place us high in the scale of wisdom
to have preserved our country tran
quil and prosperous during a contest
which prostrated the honor, power,
independence, laws and property of
every country on the other side of
the Atlantic. Would we accept their
infamy in exchange for our honest
reputation, or the result of their
enormities, despotism to the one,
bankruptcy and prostration to the
other, in exchange for the nrosneritv.
the freedom and independence, which
we have i reserved safely through the
Writing again to Richard Rush
and to John Hollis, he said: "It is
our sacred duty to suppress passion
among ourselves, and not to blast the
confidence we have inspired of
proof that a government of reason
is better than a government of force.
When we reflect that the eyes of the
virtuous all over the earth are turned
with anxiety on us, as the only depos
itories of the sacred fire of liberty,
and that our falling into anarchy
would decide forever the destinies, of
mankind and seal the political her
esy that man is incapable of self
government." Surely it is impossible that ,we
should turn our backs on the hrfcht
path of world distinction so elo
quently described by Jackson and
Jefferson and follow a mountebank
like Roosevelt into the mire of mil
itarism. While some have lost their
heads there are others, a Spartan
band, who have not passed, under the
delusion. Jefferson in a letter to
Nath Niles in 1801, said: "While
frenzy and delusion like an epidemic
gained certain parts the residue re
mained sound and untouched, and
held on until their brethren could re
cover from the temporary delusion."
Both Jacksoa 'and Jefferson be
lieved standing armies . and navies
wouia oe a constant temptation to
get this country., into war.
Jackson in his fourth annual mes
sage said: "Neither our situation nor
our institutions require or permit the
maintenance of a large regular force.
"E?f ?? ? era, t0 many lessons of
nnt l resUlt of such a measure,
w ain US asainst lt3 adoption
Iifl ' t.T;he exPene which attends it,
.the ObviOUS tendftnnv i " W
because it exists, and thus to engage
... Vv.VOSHWy w.urs, ana its ultimate
danger-to nublin HWf ,m , A. ate
LS'J ?;?!.?. Principal
ReatboflvfTeC,r upon th
Public." CUizens of tlle re"
Nri nno Tint t ....
did not believe in being a bully In h?'
ternational affairs. In M fourth
message he continued: th
MZI'Lr!la"n?';t r country en.
ascribe fn l"ttf ,.DG mainly
of the rule w mT a lnS cttc
our national nniinv . ?,?. guidetl
j, iu acquire no ex
clusive privilege in commerce and in
grant- none. It is daily producing lu
beneficial effect in tho respect shown
to our Hag, the protection of our cit
izens and their property abroad, and
the increase of our navigation and
the extension of our mercantile op
erations. Nor have we less reason to
felicitate ourselves on the position of
our political, than of our commer
cial concerns. They remain in a
state of prosperity and peace, tho ef
lect oi a wise attention to the part
ing advice of Washington to culti
vate free commerce and honest
friendship with all nations."
In his message of December 7
1830, Jackson said: "Sincerely desir
ous to cultivate the most liberal and
friendly relations with all; ever ready
to fulfill our engagements with scru
pulous fidelity; limiting- our demands
upon others to mere justice; holding
ourselves ready to do unto them as
we would wish to be done by, and
avoiding even the appearance of un
due partiality to any nation; it ap
pears to me impossible that a simple
and sincere application of our prin
ciples to our foreign relations, can
fail to place them ultimately upon
the footing upon which it is our own
wish they should rest."
Did Jackson hfiliAvo in a Mo- ..
any more than a big army? He did
not. Here is what he said in his first
annual message: "On" this subject
there can be little doubt, that our
best policy would be to discontinue
the building of ships of the first and
second class, and look rather to tho
possession of ample materials, pre
pared for the emergencies of war,
than to the number of vessels which
we can float in a season of peace, as
the index of our naval power."
TTrilthe same ssase Jackson said:
With foreign nations it will be my
study to preserve peace, arid to cul
tivate friendship on fair and honor
able terms; and in the adjustment of
any differences, that may arise, to
exhibit the forbearance-becoming a
powerful nation, rather than the sen
sibi ity belonging to a gallant peo
ple." .. B"t "01d Hickory" knew after all
that the real strength of any nation
is in the well-being of the great mass
of its people, something that can only
come through the exclusion of priv
ile,5e', Writing., in, 182Q Jackson
Sa, I , lone as.our government is
administered for the good tof the peo
ple, and is regulated by their will;
as long as it secures to us the rights
of person and property; liberty of
conscience and of the pr,qss. it will be
worth defending- flnri AtW 1 ?
worth defending, a .patriotic milit'a
Will Pnvow l .Jit. Z- . - V ..
i 7 , , 1U vf" an impenetrate
shield. Partial injuries, and occa
sional mortifications we may be sub
jected to, but a million, of armed
rreemen, possessed of tfce means of
war, can never be conquered by a
With a large regular army what
security would the liberties of the
people have from some such desper
ate humbug' as Roosevelt? Jefferson
saw the possibility 6f such a man in
the tumult of war seizing the mili
tary as a means to the institution of
Imperialism. Writing to Samuel
Adams in 1800, Jefferson said: "Bon
aparte has transferred the destinies
.llG rePUDlic from the civil to tho
military arm. I read it as a lesson
against the dange.- of standing
ioriiInpr t0 Gen- Henry Knox in
looi, Jefferson said: "There is a class
among us that is ardent for the in
troduction of monarchy, eager for
armies, making more noise for a
great naval establishment than bet
ter patriots. I am not for a standing
army in time of peace, whic'li may
overawe the piiDiic sentiment."
To John Adams, in 1822, Jefferson
referred to "those collisions between
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