'Ki
The Commoner
MARCH, 1916
15
pr- - LC
What Can We Do?
Extract from a speech delivered by William
Jennings. Bryan before the Economic club of
Washington, D. C., March 4th, 1916.
Wo can set an example by Aot adopting the
false philosophy that preparedness wiir prevent
war the false philosophy that has led Europe
into tho present War.
But wo can do more than set an example. Wo
can play tho part of friend by tendering our ser
vices, not once or twice, but' continually -until
our offer is accepted. Humanity demands it;
when has humanity been so offended as during
tho last eighteen months? The neutral nations
demand it; every one of them is bearing a bur
den of taxation that would not be necessary but
for this war, and suffering loss of life and Inter
ruption of trade. Our own interests demand it;
we have not only suffered in common with other
countries, but the attention of our people is be
ing taken from domestic problems to Issues
raised by the war, and wo ourselves are dragged
to the very verge of the conflict by violation of
our rights by both sides, and injuries committed
against us by both sides. These violations and
injuries are not intended against us, but. are
merely incidental to injuries that each side in
tend against tho other, and must be dealt with
with patience and a spirit of forbearance. It
would bo bad enough to go to vrar with a nation
that hated us and wanted war with us; it would
do 'inexcusable to compel any nation to' go to
war with us when it is not an enemy and fl3
not want war with us. But these constant I -tations
are a menace to our peace as well as an
interruption of our nation's work, and we have a
right to ask, either by ourselves or in conjuncr
tion with the other neutral nations, tbat the
nations at war state definitely what it is that
they are fighting- for, which is but another way
of statin?' the terms upon which peace is pos
sible. They must know what they are fighting
about, and it would be a reflection upon them to
assume-.that they are unwilling to state to the
world 'Clearly and definitely the reasons for the
war and the conditions upon which it can be
terminated.
Neither can we assume that there is ANY dis
pute which must of necessity be settled Upon the
battlefield. The thirty' treaties which we have
made with nations representing three-quarters
of the world are framed upon the theory that
ALL disputes between nations are proper mat
ters for investigation with a view to peaceful
settlement, and since this principle has been- era.
bodied in treaties with four of the belligerents
Great Britain. France, Italy and Russia and
has been formally endorsed by three other bel
ligerents Germany, Austria and Belgium it
offers a basis for approaching these nations with
a view of restoring peace. Who can sav that an
offer made in the proper spirit would be reject
ed? Pointing to the friendship for us existing
among the people of Belgium because of Amer
ican contribution, Rev. Dr. Hardin, of Chicago,
suggests that we can do more to prevent war by
contributing to relieve the sufferings which this
war has caused than by spending money in prep
aration for future wars. I believe that his rea
soning is sound, and I venture to suggest that
an offer of mediation presented earnestly and in
the spirit of sincere friendship and accompanied
by an expression of. the willingness to show our
friendship by a liberal contribution to the suf
ferers on both sides, would be likely to receive
favorable consideration. How much better to
spend fifty or a hundred million for relief of the
victims of tho present war than to spend that
amount getting ready to increase the sum of
human woe by other wars. At least it would be
worth trying, and it would put this nation in a
position where its advice would bo potential in
laying the foundation for an enduring peace. The
nlan embodied in our thirty treaties, if adopted
by the European nations among themselves
would probably go farther than any other plan,
now possible, toward preventing future wars. A
year's time for investigation would make war a
remote possibility a month's time for investi
gation would in all probability have prevented
the present war.
In the discussion of machinery, however, it
must be understood that no machinery is of
value unless there is back of it a sincere desire
to promote peace, and the only real progress we
can make toward an enduring peace lies in the
cultivation of the spirit that desires peace, that
is, tho spirit of brotherhood. Carlylo in the clos
ing chapters of his "French Revolution" de
clares that thought is stronger than artillery
parks and at last moulds tho world like soft
clay; and then he adds what is of oven greater
importance, namely, that back of thought is love.
This nation can not assist tho old world out of
its troubles or aid in tho hastening of universal
peaco unless its supremo passion is brotherly
love, and this lovo will compel us to keep out of
tho present conflict. This would seem to be an
imperative duty, and it is not inconsistent with
the protection of our rights or the maintenance
of the nation's honor. If any disputes arise
which can not be adjusted without concessions
which it would be improper to make, we are at
liberty to use the treaty plan which has been of
fered to all the nations. If that plan is not used
or if it fails to bring a peaceful settlement, we
still have a choice between entering this war and
postponing the final settlement of tho dispute
until the war Is over. If we are compelled to
choose between those two alternatives, I believe
it to be the part of wisdom to postpone final set
tlement until the war is over, first, because wo
could then secure settlement without war, the
only difficulty being the fear of the effect of the
settlement of the war; second, if postponement
of final settlement did not prevent war, it would
be better to have our war after this war is over
than during this war, for then it would be our
own war with the nation with which we had our
dispute to enter this war would be to enter a
war which is not ours but Is everybody's
war, the side taken would depend upon tho na
tion with which we happened to have our dis
pute, and while in the war we would be com
pelled to fight for the things that other nations
were fighting for. SURELY NO ONE WOULD
DESIRE TO PUT OUR ARMY AND NAVY AT
THE SERVICE OF ANY EUROPEAN MON
ARCH TO BE USED FOR THE SETTLEMENT
OF HIS QUARRELS.
The proposition that we must not enter, this
war might be defended on pecuniary grounds.
No one knows how much it would cost us to take
part in this war, but to judge by what it has al
ready cost the rtatidns of Europe we could not
hope to avoid placing a heavy mortgage upon
tho next generation. The proposition might also
be supported on the ground that it would call
for an enormous sacrifice of life. If nearly throe
million have already been killed, we could hard
ly expect to escape without a proportionate loss,
for if it is manly to go into this war it will be
manly to play a man's part and be prodigal in
men and in money. I do not believe that the
American people would be willing to sacrifice a
half-million men or even one hundred -thousand
men for the injuries that have been in
flicted, whether they arose from the use that has
been made of submarines injuries or from of
our trade with neutrals.
But there is a third reason of more weight
than the argument based upon possible expendi
ture of money or possible loss of life, namely,
that we can not become a belligerent nation and
at the' same time remain a neutral nation. We
stand at the head of the neutral nations; the
world looks to us to act as mediator when the
time for mediation comes. If, for any reasbn,
no matter what the reason may be, we enter this
war, we must step down from our high position
and turn over to some other nation an oppor
tunity which never came to any nation before
and may never como again.
Then, too, we are the next of kin to all the
nations now at war; they are blood of our blood
and bone of our bone. Not a soldier boy falls
on any battlefield over yonder but the' wail of
sorrow in his home finds an echo at some Amer
ican fireside, and our people have a right to ex
pect that this generation will remain the friend
of all, and be in a position to play the part of a
friend when a friend can aid.
Some nation must lift the world out of the
black night of war into the light of that day
when an enduring peace can be built on love
and brotherhood, and I crave the honor for this
nation. More glorious than any page of history
that has yet been written will be the page that
records our claims to the promise made to the
peacemakers.
This is the day for which the ages have been
waiting. For nineteen- hundred years the gos
pel of the Prince of Peace has been making its
majestic march around tho world, and during
these centuries tho philosophy of the Sermon on
the Mount has become moro and moro the rulo
of daily life. It only remains to lift that code
of morals from the level of tho individual and
make It real in tho Ifiw of nations, and this, I
venture to believe is tho task which God in his
providence has reserved for thin nation. Wo aro
less hampered by precedent than other nations,
and, therefore, more free to act. I appreciate
the value of precedent what higher tribute can
I pay to tho law of precedent than to say it is as
universal as the law of gravitation and as neces
sary to stability? And yet tho law of gravita
tion controls only inanimate nature everything
that lives is In constant combnt with the law of
gravitation. The tiniest insect that creeps upon
the ground wins a victory over it ovrry time it
moves; evon the s'onder blade of grass sings a
song of triumph over thin universal law as it
lifts itself up toward the sun. So every step in
human progress breaks tho law of pr-ccdont.
Precedent lives In the past it relics on mem
ory; because a thing never was, precedent de
clares that it can never be. Progress walks by
filth and dares to try the things that ought to
be.
This, too, Is the leading Christian nation. Wo
glvo more money every year to carry the gos
pels to those who live under other flags than any
other nation now living or that has lived. The
two reasons combine to fix tho eyes of the world
upon us as the one nation which is at liberty to
lead the way from the bloodstained methods of
tho past out into. the larger and bettor day.
We must not disappoint the hope which our
ideals and achievements have excited. If I know
the heart of tho American people, they aro not
willing that this supremo opportunity shall pans
by unimproved. Tho metropolitan press is not
the voice of the nation; you can no moro meas
ure the sentiment of tho peace-loving masses by
the froth of the jingo than you can measuro tho
oceans silent depth by the foam upon its waves.
The republican publicity bureau, tho stand
pat organization maintained at Washington,
gives an interesting hint of the future. It says
that Roosevelt nover can get tho republican
nomination this year if it is fought out at con
ventions and primaries, but adds: "If Roose
velt heads our ticket this year it will bo because
the delegates at Chicago, after iroing thoroughly
over the ground, decide that h. tlho best man,"
and can defeat Wilson. Leaders liko Barnes
and Penrose would be compelled to use some
thing for their thronts In order to swallow T. R
but this sounds as though they were getting
ready.
If congress decreed that Americans must re
main olf belligerent vessels traversing the war
zones, every causo of irritation that now exists
with pther nations would vanish and the chances
of America belng involved in any war would bo
ended. If the war se'aro subsided, however, what
reason would tho big army and navy boosters
have for creating a big army and navy. Putting
two and two together, In thin instance, might
bring an interesting" result.
The Pennsylvania railroad is Inviting its
patrons to answer the question it has Itself pro
pounded: "What causes the laok of confidence
in railroads?" It is to be regretted that the di
rectors of the New Haven and of the Rock Is
land were not invited to contribute from the
wealth of their personal information.
EXPEXSIVEXESS OF PREPAREDNESS
One 14-inch cannon and equipment costs
$170,000. One target-practice shot costs as
much as President John Adam's education at
Harvard university.
"Whether your shell hits the target or not,
Your cost Is six hundred dollars a shot.
You thing of noise and flame and power,
We feed you a hundred barrels of flour
Each time you roar. Your flame is fed'
With twenty thousand loaves of bread.
Silence! A million hungry men
Seek bread to All their mouths again."
One broadside from a modern "dreadnaught'f
costs almost $20,000. "
"Were half the power that fills the world vith
terror,
Were half the wealth bestowed on camps and
courts,
Given to redeem the world from error,
There would be no need of- arsenals and- forts."
from "War What For?" by GeorgeR. Kirk
patrick. '
J
JafctoWWB-v
Hhm w.
i fer jftfOk'tiiA