The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, February 01, 1916, Image 1
?. ".? Tfv jrw " The Commoner VOL. 16, NO. 2 . Lincoln, Nebraska, February, 1916 Whole Number 682 The Duty of a Friend Among the many wise utterances of Presi dent Wilson, none are stronger or more beauti ful than the following: "True friendship is of royal lineage. It is of the same kith and breeding as loyalty and self-forgetting devotion, and proceeds upon a higher principle even than they. For loyalty may be blind and friendship must not be; de votion may sacrifice principles of right cjioice which friendship must guard with an excellent and watchful care. You must act in your friend's interest whether it please him or not. The ob ject of love is to serve, not to win." Who will say that this is not a true defini tion of friendship? And, if true, who are the friends of the President? Those who encourage him in an unwise course or those who warn him against the rocks ahead? The Presidents vpreparedness program is tey(riutomr.yib'&an abandonment, of. the his toric policy ofhfe party .and the traditions of Serpctry.-TIe has departed from the safe path of experience and- is- following the devious ways pointed out by the big papers which voice the wishes of the manufacturers of munitions. He is joy-riding with the jingoes and is applauded by grand-standers whose voices are unfamiliar lo democratic ears. He is being praised by mil itarists who seldom, if ever, vote the ticket of his party, and he is grieving those to whom dem ocracy is a religion. What is the cause of this change of attitude? He has recently declared that WE ARE NOT THREATENED FROM ANY QUARTER, that we ARE AT PEACE WITH ALL THE WORLD and that THERE IS NO FEAR AMONG US. What, then, is the cause of the change? Is he diplomatically so close to the European war that its uproars prevent his hearing "the still, small voice" of the people? Has he, gazed upon the floor of the trans-Atlantic slaughter house until the soil of his country looks red? In an address to the consulting experts he declared himself CONVINCED THAT THE PEO PLE WANT PREPAREDNESS; where did he obtain this information? Not from senators and representatives, for congress was not in session and he had not consulted them. Not from the people themselves, because he had not heard from any considerable number. His only sources of information were a metropolitan press, sub servient to big business; and "Navy" leagues, "Defense" leagues and "Security" leagues, offi cered by representatives of big business. He had not heard from those disinterested citizens who produce the nation's wealth in time of peace and fight the nation's battles in time of war. He had heard the "murmuring" of the "shal lows," but the "depths" had been "dumb." The "depths" speak on election day, why not consult them NOW? And the masses is it not better for them to advise beforehand than to punish afterwards? Every friend of the President not those mercenary friends who flock around DIFFERENCES NOT PERSONAL For the benefit of those who seem un able to understand disagreements as to principle, I venture to bring down to date the personal relations between tho President and myself. The lettors that passed between us at the time of my resignation ought to be accepted by friends of both as sufficient proof that there were no personal differences be tween us at that time. No personal dif ferences have arisen since. Tho Presi dent is doing his duty as he sees it. Act ing under tho responsibility of a citizen and under a sense of obligation to those who have trusted me I am do'ng my duty as I see it. I am opposing Uie plan to increase the appropriations for the army and navy, just as I wouid expect the President to do if our positions were reversed and he looked upon tho subject as I do. W. J. BRYAN. ft ,,ja.. i5"W ;'v' J 3T :s k "''- - "Jr "t- '(t fc I 'ttaam t . .... ,w him foi pecuniary favors but his real friends who gave him their votes in 1912 and who have loyally supported him in every effort he has made to fulfill the pledges of his platform these should write to him; they should write now and write often. Remember, "you must act in your friend's interest whether it pleases him or not.' The object of love is to serve, not to win." W. J. BRYAN. PHILIPPINE PROMISE KEPT Four times in 1900, 1904, 1908 and 1912 the democratic national platform pledged the party to the policy of giving to the Filipinos a promise of ultimate independence. The house passed a bill in 1914 embodying this promise, but it was not reached in the senate. The sen ate has just passed a similar bill, and the house will soon pass it. This will give effect to another plank, do justice to the Filipinos and add a new star to the nation's crown of honor. CONTENTS ' THE DUTY OF A FRIEND DO YOU WANT WAR? INCOME TAX SUSTAINED AMERICANS ON BELLIGERENT SHIPS QUESTIONS RAISED BY THE PRESI DENT SECRETARY GARRISON'S RESIGNA TION EXPERTS PROHIBITION IN NEBRASKA WHY NOT A REFERENDUM? THE YOUNG MAN'S OPPORTUNITY LET THE PEOPLE RULE AMERICANISM CHRISTIAN PREPAREDNESS CONGRESSMAN BAILEY'S LOGIC DUNN AGAINST MILITARISM CIVILIZATION AT THE CROSS-ROADS -r Do You Want War? Tho President's speeches in the west indicate a complete- change of base on his part, or else they show that he has all along entertained a purposo not revealed in his previous utter ances. He is now asking the people to furnish . liini with a lurgor army and navy with which to enforce American rights. At Des Moines he said : "Do you want tho situation to be such that all the President can do is to write messages; to ut . ter words of protest? If these breaches of In ternational law, which arc In daily danger of occurring, should touch the very vital interests and honor of the United States, do you wish mo to do nothing?" If this language means anything at all It means that the preparedness for which ho asks Is not for the purpose of preventing future wars, BUT IS FOR USE IN THE PRESENT WAR, if tfhVthfnkn it necessary. ,. ... - . ' . - He4herefore brinfcTOifcc to fafo witli a hew .proposition: foVyo?ftn'war? . If the people give a favorable response to tho Pres ident's request for an increase in the army and navy, will he not construe their support as a command from ihem to proceed to the use of force? He does not tell us which side he is likely to take, but we can not wage war against a belligerent without taking one side as agalnsf the other. Do the American people desire to enter into thlB war? And If so, are they willing to allow accident or chance to determine the side on which they will enter? Are they willing to take part in the settlement of the European quarrels, rivalries and ambitions which are at the root of the present war? The President's recent speeches have raised a much more serious question than that raised by the manufacturers of munitions. These traf fickers in war supplies simply want the money that can be made out of "getting ready"; -they expect to coin a profit out of the policy of keep ing the country In fighting trim. But the Pres ident's speeches indicate that he is actually con sidering a state of war in which the United States will be the aggressor; THAT IS, WILL GO TO WAR FOR THE ENFORCEMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RIGHTS. If support of the President's position means that WAR IS TO BE MADE MORE PROBABLE, it Is time for the people to protest with an earn estness which can not be misunderstood time for them to notify their congressmen and sen ators that THE COUNTRY DOES NOT WANT TO ENTER THIS WAR. If we have disputes which can not be settled by diplomacy we have the treaty plan which was offered to all the na tions and endorsed by three-fourths ' of the world. Why not use it? Why does the Pres ident fail to refer to these treaties? If this treaty plan fails we have our choice between en tering the present war and the postponement of the final settlement of fhe dispute until after uMtM. igitj-dftniilii in - mini ' ib 'i.tt4iii'iiy-iTf""---' -riii-nitrtr" - -A-bihafc'Cxtg.Jta--. .-i-jauiWWw'--- - jrtaaflJUfty'a't '