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The Commoner
SEPTEMBER, 1915
9
Kaiser displays as proof of his recitude of pur
pose the telegrams signed "Willie," addressed
to "Georgie" and "Nickie" and pleading for a
stop to Russian mobilization. Sir Edward Grey's
eloquence moved the Commons when ho de
nounced Von Jagow's "scrap of paper" inter
view, but the "Thunderer" since has admitted
that England went to war in her own interest.
"The Sick Man" now healthfully defends the
Bosporus against former allies who would make
of it a present to their quondam enemy, and the
Kaiser, recognizing that some Christian nation
always has been the friend of the "unspeakable
Turk," is now the most puissant defender of
Islam.
We hear much of the neutrality of Belgium,
nothing of that of China or violations of neu
trality within the three-mile limit of the coasts
of Chile or Sweden. For "Deutschland Ueber
Alles" as an Oliver "Rule Brittania" is an an
cient Roland. We hear much of "national as
pirations" and "places in the sun." These words
are more easily rolled than land robber and
territorial greed. One fat, middle-aged expan
sionist has taken all he thinks worth having and
is satisfied and virtuous. Another, a vigorous
youth, bursting out of his breeches, justifies pre
datory ambitions by what he argues is neces
sity. Truth is, the whole complicated system, built
up by methods of diplomacy such as were prac
tised by Talleyrand and Metternich in the con
gress of Vienna in 1815, and based on alliances
such as that by which Edward VII sacrificed the
advantage of English insular isolation, was
bound to result in war. In fact these countries
are not only in war now, but they have been
since their military establishments attained, to
such size. The dawn was to bring the last phase
of tho conflict.
What is taking place should not excite us to
emulate the examples of these countries. On
the Contrary it should give solemn warning.
In every one of these lands the minds of the
people are absorbed in the business of hunting
the enemy. Men work in packs with wolf-like
instinct seeking : theit prey. Brain curtains b
whole nation'show only .war. All their inventive
skill is bent on the creation of engines of de
struction not construction, and all their en
ergies concentrated in their use. Jt is one recur
ring struggle between defense and offense. The
learned men, the leaders in every line, who
were making for the advancement of civiliza
tion, give their bodies along with those less en
dowed for no better purpose than the fertiliza
tion of the soil. When it is all over nations pos
sibly may dig down into- their stockings for billion-dollar
indemnities; they may repair some of
the damage, but they can not call back these
brains.
By far the heaviest cost will be in the natiorfal
hatreds engendered. And the pity is that some
of these are directed against us. Germany curses
us for wounds Infected with gas gangrene from
shells made in America. Deeply to be regretted
is it that we were not as far-sighted as Brazil,
Switzerland, and some other countries which
realized that such trade would become unneu
tral. There are two remedies for the conditions
making for future wars thinxable, neither of
which has a remote chance of being applied. One
is a strike by the women of these countries
against being used to breed future armies or to
encourage this sort of "patriotism." The other
is that the working classes shall develop a pat
riotism for real democracy and cease to offer
themselves as military serfs. But the political
rulers know their game. The child at its moth
er's knee is taught the national hatreds and ded
icated as an offering on the altar of Mars.
Schools, press, all the thought-moulding influ
ences shape the raw material. If our crop of
mis-information is large theirs is beyond com
prehension larger.
VALUE OF ARBITRATION
The difficulty in the'Nvay of substituting psy
chological influences which will turn the current
of national thought to subjects of peace seems
immeasurably great, but surely international
arbitration would be a step in the right direc
tion. It would permit nations, so to speak, to
count ten when angry as Jefferson advised indi
viduals to do. At one time the code of honor
required personal encounters to settle differ
ences of opinion. This age has passed. Per
haps it will pass with nations, too.
Everyday it seems moro likely that as Jean
de Bloch predicted the war will result in a stale
mate. Nor will the standing armies or floating
navies bo removed as menaces. Therefore it to
oven more important that tho greatest of neu
tral nations, indeed tho groateat of all nations,
shall adhere to such principles as Mr. Bryan
advocates. At a timo when the ethics of so-called
Christian nations show such complete breaking
down from any codo of conduct remotely related
to that urged in tho Sermon on tho Mount our
own steadfastness in support of some at least of
these moral laws is the remaining hope of Chris
tianity. Are wo likely to be accepted as medi
ator if wo do not retain the friendship of all
nations?
No greater misfortune not only to our own
country but to all tho world could occur than our
entrance into this war. Immediately wo would
bo compelled to enter into an alliance with Eng
land, from which we could never withdraw.
Without our restraining influence tho present
war will be followed by a tsries of struggles be
tween original Teuton and its vigorous branch
for world control. A breaking down in civiliza
tion such as followed the fall of Rome might
even be threatened.
There is no sentiment in this country for
"peace at any price." When that which really
constitutes the nation's honor is ever again at
tacked or any effort made to destroy our liber
ties there will be no question of our willingness
to go to war any moro than at any time In thk
past. Sometimes a nation just as an individual
shows itself braver if it refuses to fight than if
it is as quarrelsome as the bar-room bravo. And
peace nearly always is far less costly, more hon
orable, and moro in the interest of humanity
than war.
MR. ROOSEVELT'S PLATTSBURG BREAK
Mr. Roosevelt's defense of his break at Platts
burg does not help his case.
To be sure, tho students at Plattsburg are
free American citizens. They are free as the
members of the national guard and the regular
armies. All of them are at liberty to attend po
litical meetings of all kinds and vote jwhatever
ticket they prefer upon such grounds as to them
seem reasonable:
' It was the location and the occasion, not the
audience, that made Mr. Roosevelt's speech bad
taste or worse. He was addressing American
citizens beginning to learn military technique
and military discipline, in an armv post of the
United States, dressed in the uniforms of the
United States, trained by the commissioned offi
cers of the United States, who represented tne
best of the movement in progress for adequate
defense of the United States. To these men he
addressed an attack upon the commanding chief
of the army of the United States. He added to
this lesson in insubordination a number of per
sonal views entirely irrelevant to military effi
ciency and which were at least unnecessary.
Neither the Plattsburg camp of military in
struction nor the nation-wide movement for ad e
auate national defense is an'bffsprlng of Mr.
Roosevelt's. The first comes from the initiative
of Maj. Gen. Leonard Wood, Mr. Roosevelt's old
friend, benefactor and beneficiary, and otherwise
its existence to the broad mind of Secretary
Garrison. Mr. Foosevelt's nolitical opponent. In
his speech at Plattsburg Mr. Roosevelt embar
rassed his friend and gave a foil to his oppon-
People onposed to the defense of this nation
will take Mr. Roosevelt's conduct as an argu
ment against steps to assure national defense.
Mr. Garrison took it to try to demonstrate that
he was a better servant of nationaljdefense than
Mr. Roosevelt,
Mr. Roosevelt's Plattsburg speech has hurt the
movement for national defense a little. It has
hurt Mr. Roosevelt more. Many people, with
The Tribune, will put his remarks down to his
unbridled impulsiveness; his opponent will call
it an attempt to use the great public issue for
personal purposes. Chicago Tribune.
The republican editors of the middle west have
been engaged for some weeks in shooting holes
into the idea promulgated by the east that any
republican who may bo powerful enough to se
cure a nomination can bo elected. These ed
itors point out that success is possible only
throueh the pursuit of a course that will draw
together the factions that fought in 1912, and
that wisdom does not point to naming the men
who caused the Chicago convention split as
standard-bearers in 1916. It might bo mentioned
ilso that this is not tho only jolt these hopeful
eastern republicans will receive during the nest
nina months.
Peace Resolutions
The following resolutions were adopted by tho
Friends of Peace at their convention in Chicago,
September 6, 1915.
As in 1776 our forefathers assembled In Phil
adelphia to denounce wrong, to oppose injustice
and to declare their independence in the face of
conditions threatening thoir lives and llbortlos,
so, we, as representatives of the pooplc of tho
United States, assembled in the great central
metropolis of America do make this new declar
ation of Independence.
Our forefathers met to establish a republic
which should contest tho tyranny of Goorgo the
Third, and they waged the war of
1812 to abolish English navalism and
to establish the freedom of the seas. Wo
are met in solemn convention to rescue our
brothers throughout the world from militarism
and navalism and establish a rolgn of reason, as
against those who would place mankind under
tho control of bruto force.
The overwhelming majority of American" men
and all American women aro opposed to war,
unless when necessary for tho national defense.
If those who assemble here today shall provo
steadfast in their- resolutions they will bo able,
within a brief time, to rid the earth of militarism
and navalism, and bring about permanent peaco
and harmony among the nations of tho world.
We believe that tho time lias come in tho de
velopment of tho human race to discard the
greatest relic of barbarism war.
We believe that war will ceaso when enlight
ened men and women bind themselves together
in a courageous and determined effort to prevent
unnecessary military and naval armament.
We believe that the first practical step to
wards world wide peace should be the establish
ment pf freedom the seas for the peaceful com
merce of all nations, and that the United States
should now contribute to this great result by In
sisting that- American commerce in non-contraband
goods with bell'gorents be unmolested, ex
cepting in case of an effective blockade; and
that wo have n right to trade with neutral coun
tries in all things.
We believe that the attempt to frighton tho
American people witli tho Idea of being invaded
by an European army Is prompted solely by tho
avarice of armament and munition makers; that
nations enfeebled and impoverished by the most
frightful losses should contemplate a war of con
quest against the United States is a suggestion
that can seem reasonable only to militaristic
monomaniacs.
We believe that we should have no class of
ambitious youths anxious to brine about a war
with a view to personal advancement.
We believe that the manufacture of death
dealing Implements of war should not bo based
upon the idea of profit-making, but solely upon
the necessity of national defense.
Wo believe that the making of foreign loans
to finance munition enterprises are subversive
of peace, and involve the financial interests oc
our people with the declining fortunes of bel
ligerent nations, rtnd that loans to belligerents
from the federal reserve banks are illegal and
unneutral.
Recollecting that, scarcely more than a year
ago, science, philosophy, religion and a rapidly
advancing civilization, promised prosperity and
hanpiness to mankind.
Recollecting that within the year that has
elapsed two millions of human beings have per
ished on tho fields of battle or in tho slower
agonies of tho hospitals.
Recollecting the billions of wasted treasure,
the desolated provinces, tho weeping women and
tho orphan children made by this war.
We do, therefore, from this hour pledge our
most determined efforts:
To counteract the teachings of false morality
regarding warfare;
To expose, in their true light, the hypocritcial
phrases used to encourage tho war spirit.
To eliminate from public lifo every politician
and every false teacher playing upon the preju
dice& of the unthinking, whilo secretly serving
the manufacturers of arms and armament.
Resolved that the work of this convention bo
continued in a national organization, with power
to select patriotic men and women in every state
and city in the union, to conduct a campaign for
enlightenment on the principles wo have abova
enumerated.