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The Commoner
AUGUST, 1915
i
Cloture
Goitiin
As the time approaches for the convening of
the new congress increasing thought is being
given to the question of cloture in the senate.
It is only a matter of time until the rules of the
senate will be so changed as to permit the ma
jority to rule; the only question is as to whether
the change will be made now or later. It is in
conceivable that a senate, representing the peo
ple and elected by the people, will permanently
subject itself to so undemocratic a rule as that
which now permits a minority to force its will
upon the majority. This is a reform adminis
tration coming as the culmination of a fight that
lasted for 16 years. In 1912 the liouse stripped
the speaker of despotic power and gave the
liouse rules consistent with representative gov
ernment. In 1914 the administration was given
a democratic , congress, and increased by three
the democratic majority in the senate. It is now
possible lor the senate to take the last step
necessary for tho instituting of a thorough dem
ocratic government at Washington, and every
reason, political as well as economical, weighs in
favor of immediate adoption of a cloture rule
which, while preserving freedom of debate and
ample time for thorough discussion of questions
.and measures before the senate, will put it in the
power of the majority of that body to close the
debate whenever an attempt is made to obstruct
the will of the majority. There is much remain
ing to be done business which would have been
completed by the former .qongress but for tho
minority obstruction which the present rules
make possible.
It is easy to understand why reactionary mem
bers of the republican party objected to a chartge
because the natural result of the present rule
is to prevent the enactment of remedial meas
ures, but how can any progressive democrat, pro
gressive republican, or liberal minded member of
any party justify himself in supporting the an
tiquated rules ,by which a minority is able to de
termine what reforms shall be inaugurated? So
long as , unljmijied discussion is permitted, the
senate prqgram,"is determined, not by those .who
want to go forward but by those who pbjeqt tp
any change in the present laws.
The democrats of the country are praying
that the senate will put itselZ in line with the
progressive tendency of the times in the matter
of rules and that it will do so at once, so that
the second half of President Wilson's term may
be-even more fruitful in legislation than the first
half. . W. J. BRYAN.
Separate the passengers from the ammunition
and it will be easy to protect American citizens
and why not do so?
DESK AND CHAIRS
Those' who are interested enough to make in
quiry will find that it is customary for officials
to purchase from the government pieces' of fur
niture for which they have formed an attach
ment. Each cabinet member, for instance, takes
the chair which he, tia's used at the president's
council table, paying therefore the cost of a new
one. Mr. Bryan takes his, depositing for it
$65.00. He also buys his desk chair for $50.00
and a dealt for $250.00 the cost of new furni
ture of the same character. The desk is the one
used by hrm in signing the peace treaties. Is it
strange thati he is fond of it?
Whatever may bosaid abouf tho wisdom of
'"preparedness" in the future, now is not the
time to enter upon new schemes for the enlarge
ment of the army or navy. We should, by self
restraint, set the old world an example; to imi
tate them would simply encourage them to go
farther in tho fatal folly that has involved them
all in the present war.
7
A FATAL FOLLY
To arm the nation to the teeth in preparation
for wars that should never come, and expect
such a course to preserve peace, is as absurd as
it would be to give a dose of poison to a friend
and expect it to preserve his life.
'A democratic editor residing in the east de
sires to connect himself with some progressive
democratic paper where he will have an oppor
tunity to write in the spirit of progressive dem
ocracy. Further information may be obtained
by addressing Dept. C, The Commoner, Lincoln,
Neb. '
REPLY TO AUSTRIA
The reply to Austria published in another col
umn should end tho effort to secure an embargo
on munitions of war. Tho American note, after
pointing out that such action at this time would
be unneutral, adds a reason which will appeal to
peaco loving people, namely, that a reversal of tho
existing rulo on this subject woiild requiro every
nation to convert itself into an armed camp and
prepare in advance against every possible con
tingency. It would tend to establish militarism
everywhere. There is not tho slightest prospect
of the enactment of a law placing an embargo
upon munitions of war, but it is possible to sep
arate passengers from ammunition. This ought
to be done and is quite likely to bo done as soon
as congress meets. Such a measure will bo a pro
1 tection to American citizens and American inter
ests. All friends of peaco should unlto to secure
such legislation.
W. J. BRYAN.
Tho Boston Transcript declares that interven
tion in Mexico two years ago would have saved
many lives and much money. But it neglects to
state whose lives and whose money would have
been saved. In order to successfully intervene
in Mexico it would have required the sacrifice of
thousands of American young men and the wast
ing of millions of American money. Either
course would have meant loss of lives and the
destruction of property. President Wilson's
course saved American lives and American
money, and he is almost solidly supported in
that position.
In a recent referendum taken by the United
States chamber of commerce, composed of com
mercial bodies the country over, the proposition:
"Do you favor subventions from the govern
ment to establish regular mail and freight lines
under the American flag to countries in which
the commercial interests of the United States are
important and to American dependencies?" ret
ceived 713 affirmative and 52 negative votes.
Which means that business still has its hand
out for government aid and government aid
means money contributed by the people of the
country. '
An example of the intelligent criticism of tho
democratic administration by the republicans is
given in the declaration of Senator Sherman that
the new tariff law is a failure because it has
neither reduced tho cost of living nor produced
revenue. Every intelligent man knows that tho
war has suspended the tariff law for all practical
purposes. Tariff-paying goods can not come into
the country from Europe to produce revenue and
without their competition prices of domestic
goods will not be reduced.
A western newspaper declares that
if the republicans desire to succeed in 1916 they
must nominate a man whose record needs no
defense and whose course during the Taft
Roosevelt imbroglio was such as to offend neith
er side. Which sounds logical, but it should bo
remarked that the opinion of western newspapers
is not sought by the eastern party leaders. They
think they must name a man to suit the New
' York press.
Congressman James Mann is being placarded
by the temperance people as the liquor candi
date for the republican nomination for president.
But it is a-fairly safe wager that he isn't the only
one the liquor interests are backing. They
never make tho mistake of centering their
strength on one man and thus centering opposi
tion on him.
The jingoes aro long on threats; 'they seem
to forget that a threat, unless it compels accept
ance of the conditions stated, means either a fight
or a back-down. Tho belligerents are now en
gaged in war because their threats failed to
scare. . .
'
O0
ARBITRATION BEFORE AND AFTER
.
I have never been able to understand
why it is more dishonorable and cowardly
to settle a controversy by arbitration
before tho shooting begins than it is after
a few hundred thousand men are killed
in battle. Can you? Ex-Congressman
Vincent of Kansas.
9
Neutrality Toward
, Both
On another pago will bo found an article from
the London Morning Post (quoted by the Amer
ican, Press on August 4th) addressed to the
American . people. It begins: "We have been
compelled as an incident of war in that struggle
for national existence which wo now aro wag
ing, to interfero with tho commerce of America,
In common with that of all neutrals, so as to
prevent our enemy from obtaining from noutrals
those articles necessary for the prosecution fOf
tho war."
Here is an ADMISSION Jiat the allies aro in
terfering with commerce betwc.on neutrals and
tho reason for that interference The American
people understand both the fact and tho reason,
and they also understand that Germany and
Austria are doing tho same thing for the same
reason. Both sides aro interfering with tho
rights of neutrals, and both sides give the same
reason, namely, that they are in a struggle for
existence and therefore think themselves justi
fied in doing anything that may seem necessary
to success. This is their Interpretation of Inter
national law. We protest against this Interpre
tation and. contend that peace, not war, Is tho
normal state, and that .nations at war should re
spect tho rights of nations at peace. Both sides
reply by pleading NECESSITY- And "NECES
SITY KNOWS NO LAW."
But my purpose in calling attention to tho
above admission and excuso is to emphasize tho
,fact that these interferences with our rights aro
INCIDENTAL; they .aro not intended and do not
indicate unfriendliness. Neither Udo desires to
injure us we aro Innocent bystanders and aro
being hit by tho bullets which are being used
by tho belligerents against each other. This
fact should be borne in mind for f makes a great
difference whether an injury is INTENDED. It
would bo bad enough to go to war with people
who were enemies, and want to fight us God
forbid that wo should compel any nntlon to on-
' ' gago in war with us AGAINST ITS WILL. J
Wo an6 in duty bound to protect our peoplefin
tflQ enjeyment of nil thalr rights, but we arc rfot
a't liberty to ignore tho conditions which wo haVe
to meet; neither are we at liberty to put the In
terests of a few above the welfare of the many.
We need not go to war with tho allies in order
to enforce commercial rights; if diplomatic
means fall we can resort to the treaty plan, and
if that fails we can postpone final settlement "n
tll the war is over and then collect the damages
sustained. Neither is It necessary to go to war
with Germany. If diplomats means fall
we can propose the treaty plan; if that fails wo
can postpono final settlement until tho war is
over. In tho meantime we can keep our citizens
from riding on belligerent ships bound for the
danger zone. Thoso who havo any sense of duty
or feeling of patriotism will voluntarily avoid
risks that might ' embarrass their govern
ment; thoso who lack this sense of duty and
patriotic impulses should be taught to pay some
attention to their country's welfare. If tho
government can force a citizen Into war, It ought
to be ablo to force a citizen to keep out of un
necessary danger.'
Neutrality requires that wo take the same po
sition toward both sides we can not play fa
vorites. Each side, quito naturally, would like
to use us against the other side; Germany would
like to have us put an embargo on arms because
that would help Germany; and Great Britain
would like to havo us stop the submarine attacks
for that would help Great Britain, but this
country is neutral and can not help cither -side.
Its motto is "America first," and by observing
this motto it will not only conserve the inter.esli
of Its own people out it will keep itself in a posi
tion to act as mediator and assist the belliger
ent nations to permanent peace.
W. J. BRYAN.
Don't worry about what you will do in Heaven;
the God who made the earth can be trusted to
create a Heaven for his creature. We shall be
busy enough if. we fit ourselves for the next
world by doing our duty here.
It was Emperor Kuh of China (2435 years
before Christ) who said: "No virtue is higher
than the love of all men, and there is no loftier
aim in government than to profit all men." "
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