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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (June 1, 1915)
BBrT- ""$ "V, 4"'-"ix HAmiarrL.'.. .-:- .:;! i- swfpr7 irr'wqfFjmirr&T MV The Commoner JUNE, 1915; mmmenKGTZw imwwm Woman's Advocacy of Peace Tho advocates of war, and of that "prepara tion" which insures war, are prone to describe peace propagandists as "feminino" and "wo manish"; they speak contemptuously of "wo man's crusade against militarism." My purpose in calling attention to the lack of respect with which the jingoes ,treat woman's efforts in behalf Qf .peace is to emphasizo tho influence that the present war is having in shap ing opinion as to woman's right to a voice in these matters. Those who boast of the posses sion of martial spirit consider war a "man's game," because it is man who kills' or is killed in war. But who is man that ho should be so ready to slaughter and to offer himself for slaughter? Is he some independent creature who comes into the world OF himself, lives in the world BY himself and departs from tho world WITHOUT CONCERN TO OTHERS? On tho contrary, his life bpgins in tho travail, .of a woman in anxiety and pain such as the warrior does not know. At his birth tho most helpless pf all. Animate things, man needs and receives a woman's care for many years. If you would know which parent's caro contributes most to his wol fare, compare the fate of the motherless boy with tho fate of tho fatherless boy. Is the boy at lib erty to forget his duty to his mother and throw himself into battle without thought of her fu ture need and comfort? And is she, after hav ing contributed him to. the world and prepared him for his work, to sit silent while men make a mockery of her suffering and her tears? But the mother is also a wife and, as wife, co tenant of earth's only paradise, tho home. Is sho to have nothing to say when that home is made desolate by the cry for blood? Is it no concern of hers that the man to whom sho pledged her life is demanded that he may give his body to the bullets of the enemy? By what logic fchall we say that only the one,. who leaves tho home is entitled, to decide questions of peace and war while the one who stays at home and bears a double burden has noclaim to voice or choice? What moral, right has a man to link hie fortune with a woman, make her tho mother of his children, .bring increasing responsibilities upon her and then deny her a vote when tho hour comes for the nation to decide whether he shall live with her or die a soldier's death? "He must respond to his country's call," you Bay? Yes, but who constitute "his country"? And who shall frame the call? Are the men the only inhabitants of the country the only ones who can rightfully speak for the country? If those who thirst for gore- are to use the .ballot to im press their views upon tho country, why should not the country have the benefit of woman's con science also at the polls? If war is to be determined by financial inter ests, why should woman have no voice in weigh ing those interests? If, on tho other hand, war is a matter of honor, who will say that man has a finer sense of honor than woman? And by what process of reasoning can we reach tho con clusion that man only can wisely decide ques tions that involve the sacrifice of human life? The advocates of militarism confuse the pun ishments inflicted upon individuals for the com mission of crime with the punishments which na tions inflict upon each tother by war. There is a very marked distinction... 'In criminal punish ments the penalty falla upon those who are guilty and only after fair trial. In war the pen alty falls upon guilty and innocent alike more, in fact, upon the innocent than upon the guilty. Its heaviest burdens are borne by women and children. The men who cause or declare war seldom enlist; the men who fall in battle are not usually potential in deciding for war or peace "Theirs not to reason why Theirs but to do and die." When a criminal is imprisoned or executed it is upon the theory that society is better off with out him, but no such presumption justifies the maiming or the killing of the very pick of the nation. War calls for those who have health and strength not for those who are feeblo and weak. The drain that war inflicts upon society is incalculable because it is impossible to com pute the value of lives made fruitful by the stimulus of great ideals. The war now raging in Europe can not fail to impress the thoughtful people of this country with the conviction that woman not only needs tho ballot to protect her rights as wife and mother, but that society needs woman's activo influence in govefnmont on the side of those peaceful methods to which the world is looking. But whether tho time be long or short before woman assumes tho responsibilities of suffrage, woman's influence is certain to be an increasing factor in the formation of that public opinion which, by controlling governments, speaks tho word that determines the methods to be em ployed in the settling of international disputes and this war will exert a trcmondous influenco in this direction. W. J. BRYAN. WHAT "FADS"? Ex-President Taft Is reported as saying, at Kansas City, that tho time has come to welcome the progressives back to the republican party, but he insists that "They must leave behind their fads, nostrums and isms." It requires some bold ness for a defeated presidential candidate, who received less than HALF his party's vote, to fix the terms and conditions upon which the major ity will be permitted to return to the organiza tion controlled by the minority, and it will bo interesting to learn just what Mr. Taft regards as. "fads, nostrums and isms." These words have never been clearly defined and are promiscuously applied as epithets to most anything that is re garded as objectionable by the person using them. The progressive majority must bo very anxious to return to the standpat minority If they are willing to submit to the humiliating terms Imposed by the arrogant reactionaries. They must "have their principles well under con trol" If they can so easily put aside the views whTch led them to abandon the republican or ganization. At Chicago the standpatters would have been willing to allow the progressives to write the platform, but now they must give up their "fads, nostrums and isms," and meekly bow to Wall street and smilingly submit to the plutocratic lash. The four years will have wit nessed a remarkable change if Mr. Taft, discred ited in 1912 by the smallest vote received by any republican candidate, can in 1916 dictate terras to tho insurgents who caused this mortification. The republican reforniers will make their claim to virtue seem ridiculous if they do not spurn with indignation tho terms proposed. W. J. BRYAN. The ostensible purpose of tariff laws Is to give added wages to labor. The real purpose is to give bonuses to manufacturers. That there is no close relation between tariffs and wages is shown by a recent report of the federal bureau of labor statistics, covering wages in the iron and Bteel industry. The last two tariff laws re duced the protection given this industry materi ally, because there was no argument to sustain the old rates, yet the official figures show that in spite of a reduction of about 3 per cent in hours there was an increase in weekly earnings ranging from G.G per cent to 2C.4 per cent, be tween 1907 and 1913. The Mexican Situation On another page will be found tho presldont' statomont In regard to Mexico. It cover tho sit uation so completely that nothing need be added to it. It may be divided Into two parts: First, tho statement of the sit tuition in Mexico two years and moro of turbulence, with the results that inevitably follow. It began with the over throw of Madoro govornmont by General Huerta and was followed with the expulsion of General Huerta by tho insurgents, under the leadership of Generals Carranza and Villa. This waa followed In turn by a division In the ranks of the constitutionalists which resulted In war between those who had by co-operation ovcrcomo Huerta and his supporters. The second part of the president's statement deals with the future. He appeals to tho lead ers of faction in Mexico to "act, -to act togethor, and to net promptly for tho relief and redemp tion of thoir prostrate country." If they can not ''accommodate their differences and unite for till great purpose within a very short time, this government will bo constrained to decide what means should bo employed by the United States in ordor to help Mexico rmve herself and nerve her people." The presldont has left himself all tho latitude posslblo when ho says that It will bo tho duty of this government "to decldo what moans should be employed." One sentence which throws light upon tho president's purpose reads, "It (tho government of the United States) must presently do what It has not hitherto dona or felt at lib erty to do, lend Its active moral support to soma man or group of mon, If such may bo foundr who can rally tho suffering people of Mexico to their support In an effort to Ignore, If they can not unite, the warring factions of the country, return to the constitution of the republic so long In abeyance, and set up a government at Moxico City which the great powers of the world can recognize and deal with, a government with whom the program of tho revolution will be a business and not merely a platform." Not only the people of the United States, but tho people of the western hemisphere and all tho world unite In tho earnest hope that the pres ident's appeal will be heeded by the leaders of Moxico and that they will find It possible to put aside their differences and act together for tho restoration of peace and orderly government. W. J. BRYAN. The Nebraska state homeopathic society, at its recent session, went on record as being in favor of prohibition, both national and state. The Nebraska Medical society had previously adopted similar resolutions. The doctors based their condemnation on the injurious effects of alcohol upon the human system, and declared it was under the ban of scientists, The national broth erhood of engineers also went on record during the past month in favor of prohibition. John Barleycorn's lease of life is rapidly ending. When it came to remodeling the state consti tution of New York the republicans chosen were i'rom the ranks of the mon who have made Boss Barnes possible and included even the boss him self. These men, who are the kind of represent atives business men select, are the ones who will keep on representing the republican party in the halls of government. Fine little outlook for the progressives who are receiving such urgent in vitations to enter the fold again. Mr. Carnegie yearly distributes through his hero fund a large sum of money to those who have been adjudged to have performed some feat of daring during the year. Mr. Carnegie's attention is earnestly requested to the fact that Mr. Taft is showing unmistakable signs of run ning for president again. The manufacture of jingo sentiment in the United States -is another industry that is assum ing large proportions, but the democratic tariff bill can not be urged as having in anywise fos tered this. The republican publicity bureau recently sent out this, among other items: "The National As sociation of Hosiery and Underwear Manufac turers has just held its annual convention, and all the speakers discovered that the one sure-fire method of getting a roaring-response from the delegates was to hand out a slam at the admin istration for Its lack of business sense." By comparing the hosiery and underwear schedule of the Payne-Aldrlch tariff law with those of the administration law, it will be easy to sco why these responses from delegates were "roaring" and what, In their opinion, constitutes "business sense." One of the criticisms republicans are leveling at the administration is that "no man borrow easier or in any other place than before the fed eral reserve banks wero opened." In view of the fact that the purpose of the federal reserve banto was not to increase the borrowing capacity ot men who had already borrpwed to the limit of their credit, but was to make available mora money for legitimate business expansion, the value of such criticism may be rightly guaged. t In the last few years Mr. Roosevelt has had a great deal to say about an Invisible government, and the recont lawsuit he had with Mr. Barnea gives a great deal of light upon the extent of tho colonel's knowledge of the workings of the In visible government. He gave three instances ot where ho appointed men Piatt tpld him be de sired named, and explained that he had found "aii element of righteousness" in Piatt that he desired to develop. . "The need of military preparation" is the titlo of most of the jingo speeches and articles one reads these days. It shoul1 be noted that none of these gentlemen accurately specify what they consider adequate military preparation. They really want the United States to maintain a large enough army and navy to defeat all comers, but they have discretion enough not to submit suck a program for the approval of the voters. 1 1 i ft vm .- u EB jt