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The Commoner
JUNE,- 1915
3
decision to resign rather than to share respon
sibilty for it. I am sure you will credit mo with
honorable motives, but that is not enough. Good
intentions could not atone for a mistake at such
a time, on such a subject and under such circum
stances. If your verdict is against me, I ask no
mercy; I desire none if I have acted unwisely. A
man in public life must act according to his con
science, but however conscientiously he acts, he
must be prepared to accept without complaint
any condemnation which his own errors may
bring upon him; he must be willing to bear any
deserved punishment from ostracism to execu
tion. But hear me before you pass sentence.
"The President and I agree in purpose; we de
sire a peaceful solution of the dispute which has
arisen between the United States and Germany.
We not only desire it, but with equal fervor we
pray for it, but we differ irreconcilably as to the
means of securing it. If it were merely a per
sonal difference it would be a matter of little
moment, for all the presumptions arc on his side
the presumptions that go with authority. He
is your president; I am a private citizen without
office or title but one of the hundred million
of inhabitants.
"But the real issue is not between persons; it
is between systems; and I rely for vindication
wholly upon the strength of the position taken.
"Among the influences which governments em
ploy in dealing with each other' there are two
which are pre-eminent and antagonistic force
and persuasion. Force speaks with firmness and
acts through the ultimatum; persuasion employs
argument, courts investigation and depends up
on negotiation. Force represents the old system
the system that must pass away; persuasion
represents the new system the system that has
been growing, all too slowly, it is true, but grow
ing for nineteen hundred years. In the old sys
tem war is the chief corner stone war which at
its best is little better than war at its worst; the
new system contemplates a universal brother
hood established through the uplifting power of
example. '
"If I correctly interpret the note to Germany, it
conforms to the standards of the old system ra
ther than to the rujes, of the new, and I cheer
fully admit that it is abundantly supported by
precedents precedents written in characters of
blood upon almost every page of human history.
Austria furnishes the most recent precedent; it
was Austria's firmness that dictated the ultima
tum against Servia, which set the world at war.
Every ruler now participating in this unparal
leled conflict has proclaimed his desire for peace
and denied responsibility for the war, and it is
only charitable that we should credit all of them
with good faith. They desired peace, but they
sought it according to the rules of the old sys
tem. They believed that firmness would give
the best assurance of the maintenance of peace
and, faithfully following precedent, they went so
near the fire that they were, one after another,
sucked into the contest. Never before have the
frightful follies of this -fatal system been so
clearly revealed as now. The most civilized and
enlightened aye, the most Christian, of the
nations of Europe are grappling with each other
as if in a death struggle. They are sacrificing
the best and bravest of their sons on the battle
field; they are converting their gardens into cem
eteries and their homes into houses of mourning;
they are taxing the wealth of today and laying
a burden of debt on the' toil of the future; they
have filled the air with thunderbolts more dead
ly than those of Jove, and they have multiplied
the perils of the deep. Adding fresh fuel to the
flame of hate, they have daily devised new hor
rors, until one side is endeavoring to drown non
combatant men, women and children at sea,
while the other side seeks to starve noncombat
ant men, women and children on land. And
they are so absorbed in alternate retaliations and
in competitive cruelties that they seem, for the
time being, blind to the rights of neutrals and
deaf to the appeals of humanity. A tree is known
by its fruit the war in Europe is the ripened
fruit of the old system.
"This is what firmness, supported by force, has
done in the old world; shall we invite it to cross
the Atlantic? Already the jingoes of our own
country have caught the rabies from the dogs of
war; shall the opponents of organized slaughter
be silent while the disease spreads?
"As an humble follower of the Prince of Peace;
as a devoted believer in the prophecy that 'they
that take the sword shall perish with the sword,
I beg to be counted among those who earnestly
urge the adoption of a course in this matter
which will leave no doubt of our-governments
willingness to continue negotiations with Ger
many until an amicable understanding Is reached,
or at least until, the stress of war over, we can
appeal from Philip drunk with carnage to Philip
sobered by the memories of an historic friend
ship and by a recollection of the innumerable
ties of kinship that bind the Fatherland to the
United States.
"Some nation must lead the world out of the
black night of war into the light of that day
when 'swords shall be beaten into plowshares.'
why not make that honor ours? Some day why
not now? the nations will learn that enduring
peace can not be bulit upon fear that good will
does not grow upon the stalk of violence. Some
day the nations will place their trust in love, the
weapon for which there is no shield; In love, that
suffereth long and is kind; in love, that is not
easily provoked, that beareth all things, belleveth
all things, hopeth all things, endureth all things;
in love which, though despised as weakness by
the worshippers of Mars, abideth when all else
fails.
"W. J. BRYAN."
To the German-Americans
The following statement was Issued by Mr.
Bryan, Juno 11:
"To the German-Americans:
"Permit me to address a word to you as one
American citizen speaking to fellow-cHizens in
whose patriotism he has entire confidence. It is
natural that in a contest between your Father
land and other European nations your sym
pathies should be with the country of your birth.
It is no cause for censure that this is true; it
-would be a reflection upon you if it were not
true. Do not the sons of Great Britain sym
pathize with their mother country? Do not the
sons of France sympathize with theirs? Is not
the same true of Russia and of Italy? Why
should it not be true of those who are born in
Germany or Austria? The trouble is that the
extremists on both sides have mistaken a na
tural attachment felt for birthplace for disloyalty
to this country.
"The president has been unjustly criticized by
the partisans of both sides the very best evi
dence of his neutrality. If he had so conducted the
government as wholly to please either side It
would excite not only astonishment, but mis
givings, for partisans can not give an unbiased
judgment; they will of necessity look at the
question from their own point of view, giving
praise or blame, according as the act, regardless
of its real character, helps or hurts the side with
which they have aligned themselves.
"The fact that the administration has received
more criticism from German-Americans than
from those in sympathy with the Allies is due
to the fact that, while both sides are at liberty,
under international law, to purchase ammunition
in the United States, the Allies, because of their
control of the seas, have the advantage of being
able to export it. It is unfortunate that partisan
supporters of Germany should have overlooked
the legal requirements of the situation and have
thus misunderstood the position of the admin
istration. The administration's position has not
only been perfectly neutral, but it could not have
been otherwise without a palpable and inten
tional violation of the rules governing neutral
ity This government is not at liberty to materi
ally change the rules of international law during
the war because every change suggested is dis
cussed, not upon its merits as an abstract prop
osition but according to the effect it wil have
upon the contest. Those who wanted to lay an
embargo upon the shipments of arms defended
their position on the ground that it would hasten
peace but it is strange that they could have
overlooked the fact that the only way in which
such action on our part could hasten peace would
have 'been by helping one side to overcome the
o tli Gr
"While the attacks made upon the president
by the extremists of both sides were very unjust,
it was equally unjust to suspect the patriotism of
those who took sides. I feel well enough ac
aualnted with the European-born Americans to
believe that in a war between this country and
any European power, the naturalized citizens
from that country would be as quick to enlist as
native-born citizens. As I am now speaking to
German-Americans I am glad to repeat In public
what I have often said in private, and would have
said in public before but for the fact that it
would not have been proper Jor one in my offi
cial position to do .so-r-namely, that In case of
war betweon the United States and Germany If
so Improbable a supposition can be considered-
German-Americans would bo as prompt to enlist
and as faithful to the flag as any other portion
of our people What I have said In regard to
German-Americans is an introduction to an ap
peal which I feel It my duty to mako to thorn.
"First: If any of them have over In n moment
of passion or excitement suspected the president
of lack of neutrality or lack of friendship toward
the German government and the German people,
let that thought bo forgotten, never again to bo
recalled. I have, since my resignation, received
numerous telegrams, from German-Americans
and Gorman-American societies commending my
action; I think the senders of these telegrams
understand my position, but that no ono may
mistake It let me restate It. The president is not
only destrouB of peaco, but he hopes for It and
he has adopted the methods which he thinks
niost likely to contribute toward peace. My
difference from him Is as to method, not as to
purpose, and my utterances since resigning have
been Intended to crystallize public sentiment In
support of his efforts to maintain peace, or, to
uso a familiar phrase 'Peace with honor.' But
remember that when I use the phrase 'Pence with
honor,' I do not use It In the same sense that
those do who regard every opponent of war as
favoring 'Peace at any price.' 'Peace at any
price' is an epithet, not a true statement of any
one's position or of the policy of any group. Tho
wordB are employed by jingoes as an expression
of contempt and arc applied Indiscriminately to
all who have faith In the nation's ability to find
a peaceful way out of every difficulty so long as
both nations want peace. The alarmists of tho
country have had control ot the metropolitan
press and they have loudly proclaimed that the
prolongation of negotiations or the suggestion
of international Investigation would be a sign of
weakness and everything is weakness that does
not contain a hint of war. The jingo sees in tho
rainbow of promise only one color, red.
"Second: Knowing that the president desires
peace, it Is your duty to help him secure it, and
how? By exerting your influence to convince the
German government of tills fact, and to persuade
that government to take no steps that would lead
in the direction of war. My fear lias been that
tho German government might, despairing of a
friendly settlement, break off diplomatic rela
tions, and thus create a condition out of which
war might come without the Intention of either
country. I do not ask you to minimize the ear
nestness of the president's statement that
would be unfair, both to him and to Germany.
The sinking of the Lusitanla can not be defend
ed upon tho facts as we understand them. Tho
killing of innocent women and children can not
be justified, whether the killing is by drowning
or starving; no nation can successfully plead
the inhumanity of her enemies as an excuse for
inhumanity on her own part. While it Is true
that cruelty is apt to beget cruelty, It can not
be said that 'like cures like.' Even In war we
are not absolved from the obligation to remedy
evils by the influence of a good example. 'Let
your light so shine,' Is a precept that knows no
times nor seasons as it knows neither latitude
nor longitude.
"Third: Do not attempt to connect the nego
tiations which are going on between the United
States and Germany with those between the
United States and Great Britain. The cases are
different, but even If they were the same, It
would be necessary to treat with each nation sep
arately. My personal preference has been to re
peat our insfstance that the Allies shall not in
terfere with our commerce with neutral coun
tries, but the difference on this point was a mat
ter of judgment and not a matter of principle.
In the note to Great Britain, dated March 30th,
this government said: 'In view of these assur
ances formally given to this gov
ernment, It is confidently expected
that the extensive powers conferred by
the order in council on the executive officers of
the Crown will be restricted by 'orders Issued by
the government' directing the exercise of their,
discretionary powers In such a manner as to'
modify In practical application those provisions
of the order In council which, If strictly enforced,
would violate neutral rights and Interrupt legit
imate trade. Relying on the faithful perform
ance of these voluntary assurances by His Ma
jesty's government, the United States, takes it
for granted that the approach of American mer
chantmen to neutral ports situated upon the
long line of coast affected by the order in council
will not be Interfered with when it is known
that they do not carry goods which arc contra"
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